Srpska politička misao (Serbian Political Thought) is the Institute’s flagship publication and has been among the most respectable social science journals in Serbia and the region for over twenty years. The journal’s primary focus is on the research of political theory and its fundamental concepts, without thematic limitations: the editorial team’s interdisciplinary approach has not narrowed its scope exclusively to the study of political science phenomena, but has expanded its focus to issues in philosophy, sociology, political economy and international relations. Its contributors include the most eminent professors and researchers in various social science disciplines from Serbia, the region and further abroad. Over time, it has gradually profiled itself as a referent publication for the defining of Serbian political science and political thought on the whole. The journal’s editorial policy aims for world standards in scientific research and is committed not only to the description, but also to the practical modelling of political culture, in line with the modern trends in political sciences. The journal is published six times a year.
GLOBALIZATION AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
To understand the relation between globalization and international relations, it is necessary to propaedeutically differentiate notions of new world order, globalism, and globalization that are often used without much theoretical understanding, sometimes even as synonyms, which creates terminological confusion. These are three different terms that are related because they refer to intertwined phenomena. Globalism is an ideology, globalization is a process of implementing the ideological premises of globalism, and the new world order is a political- legal system of an emerging world. Concept and practice of globalization include radical change in the modern world in favour of one centre of power and thus imply drastic change in international relations. Globalization implies that contemporary international relations should be characterized by: informal government of the world from one centre of power by controlling and guiding global political, economic, and financial flows; democratization of all world countries by introducing Euro-Atlantic model of democracy as the only valid one; negation of national sovereignty and overcoming national identity; diminished role of the UN and of all international organizations and institutions where proponents of globalizations are not decision makers; ‘managerial’ instead of mediating diplomacy; exclusivity of the right of globalists to use force in international relations; favoring humanitarian interventions as a type of armed conflicts; attempt to direct migrant flows and their intensity; deprivation of rights to progress to all non-globalized countries, even more stronger ones such as Russia and China; putting international relations directly into service of satisfying interests of multinational companies. The proponents of globalization have had only limited success in these efforts due to various types of resistance. Globalization has been mostly achieved at the international economic level, and much less at the international political and international security levels. Although the beginning of globalization announced a fast end to the national state, its sovereignty, and consequently a nation as its basis, this has not happened. Almost everything that has had a national prefix resisted globalization to a greater or lesser extent in the name of the right of the individual to exist as much as the general, and this is the main reason why globalists see the national as the greatest threat. The time of great migrations, as well as the war between Russia and Ukraine, fueled by arms, funds, and logistics of the Western forces, brought new, great, and consequently still unfathomable challenges not only to globalization as a process, but to globalism as an ideology and new world order as a projected political-legal construction of a global system. Russia has announced the new concept of a new world order, and many countries, some of which are EU members, have stood up against global models, thus pivoting strongly towards their national interests, restoration of their national sovereignty, and strengthening of their national values, although it seemed up until recently that these countries had completely merged into supranational unity. It is becoming more obvious that the war and migrations were just a reason for a reiterative renewal of the concept of a national state as an important heritage and its greater independence, and not only on the territory of Europe, indicating a process of re-sovereignisation in globalized areas as a more widespread phenomenon. This, as well as other current processes of using and distributing power among states at a global level, will undoubtedly strongly affect the profiling of international relations in the near future.
Copyright (c) 2026 Serbian political thought
ON THE SUPPRESSED TOPICS IN THE HISTORY OF SERBO-SLOVENIAN RELATIONS OR ON THE PROLOGUE TO THEIR CLOSENESS DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR
The text presents certain evidence of Slovenian–Serbian closeness during the Second World War, which, due to so-called higher interests – national/political/religious/ecclesiastical – has been neglected to such an extent that it now seems never to have existed. Thus, from the creation of communist/socialist Yugoslavia to the present day, Slovenia has carefully selected the topics through which it reveals its 20th-century history. In that process, one of the casualties was the history of Serbian–Slovenian ties during the Second World War, as confirmed in various spheres: from the joint struggle against the occupier and under the flag of the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland, to the suffering caused by the ideologues and defenders of the ethnocidal/genocidal Independent State of Croatia. The text also recovers from controlled oblivion the memory of the mass demonstrations held at the end of March 1941 in Belgrade and Ljubljana against the protocol on Yugoslavia’s accession to the Tripartite Pact. These events undoubtedly shaped the future of the Slovenian and Serbian peoples during the Second World War, yet Yugoslav historiography carefully avoided them, only for them to become anachronistic in the contemporary era – due to new higher interests. The closest neighbors of the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Slovenia have also benefited from this, protecting their own interests, including shaping the terms of confronting their own Second World War legacy.
POWER DIFFUSION AS THE THIRD DIMENSION OF COMPLEX INTERDEPENDENCE: CALIFORNIA AND OPENAI AS CASE STUDIES
This paper analyzes the diffusion of power as the third dimension of complex interdependence (the first dimension being military and the second economic), a concept developed and later refined by American scholars Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye. By examining diffusion, or the dispersal of power, as one of the phenomena of international relations, the research focuses on subnational and transnational actors. Through two case studies – the U.S. state of California and the organization OpenAI – the paper investigates how economic, technological, and educational resources enable these actors to influence global power flows independently of the nation-state. The example of California demonstrates how a subnational entity can create innovative policies and set global standards in technology, education, and climate change. OpenAI, as a transnational private actor, shows that innovations in artificial intelligence can redefine the distribution of power and impact international relations beyond state structures. The paper illustrates that power diffusion is a dynamic process arising from the interaction of various actors, rather than a static state that can be “possessed”. This process, however, is sometimes conditioned by ethical considerations and almost always by political and commercial constraints. At the same time, the role of subnational and transnational actors, in this interaction, points to a transformation in the nature of influence within the contemporary global order.
KEY ETHICAL CHALLENGES OF THE TOTAL DEFENCE CONCEPT IMPLEMENTATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
The author analyses the key ethical challenges of implementing the concept of total defense in the Republic of Serbia, starting from the assumption that normatively unresolved dilemmas may undermine its functional and moral sustainability. After conceptually defining total defense as a model that entails the comprehensive participation of all societal actors in the defense of the state, the author examines three central ethical issues: the ethical nature and grounding of the duty to participate in defense, the implications of fulfilling this duty during armed conflict, and the question of responsibility for failing to fulfil it. The duty of defense is interpreted as an imperative arising from the very ontology of the state and collective freedom, rather than as a matter of voluntariness. At the same time, attention is drawn to the challenges of its internalization within the context of a contemporary “rights-based society.” Particular focus is given to the problem of crossing the threshold of “direct participation in hostilities,” which may result in the loss of civilian immunity and the blurring of the distinction between legitimate and illegitimate targets, especially under the conditions of modern warfare. Finally, the author analyses the issue of legal and moral responsibility for the failure to fulfil this duty, warning of the dangers of arbitrary and ideologically motivated post-war sanctions. The conclusion is that the optimal implementation of the concept of total defense requires precise normative regulation, clearly defined limits of duty, and proportionate sanctions, in order for the concept to be not only effective, but also morally legitimate and sustainable in the long term.
SECURITY IMPLICATIONS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL CRISIS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA: BETWEEN THE DAYTON CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK AND INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTIONISM
The constitutional crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) represents a complex case of legal and political destabilization in a post-conflict context. This paper analyzes the security implications of the constitutional crisis through the lens of internal political conflicts and international interventionism. It also highlights how the actions of international actors – particularly the Office of the High Representative (OHR) – function as a mechanism for altering the political balance established by the Dayton Peace Agreement. This dynamic generates new sources of instability which, although not yet amounting to a full-scale security crisis, nevertheless produce significant security consequences. The liberal project of state-building and the policy of international interventionism, rather than fostering reconciliation, have led to growing ethnic polarization and the weakening of institutional functionality. The paper points out a research gap in the existing literature, which has neglected systematic consideration of the security aspects of international interventionism on domestic developments in BiH, and argues that a return to the constitutional principles of the Dayton Peace Agreement may provide a framework for overcoming the current challenges.
RECIPROCITY AS A CONDITION FOR THE RECOGNITION OF FOREIGN COURT DECISIONS: POLITICAL-LEGAL ASPECT AND MODERN SIGNIFICANCE IN DOMESTIC AND COMPARATIVE LAW
This paper examines the institute of reciprocity as a condition for the recognition of foreign court decisions, with special reference to Serbian law and comparative legal trends, pointing out its political-legal significance in contemporary relations between states. Reciprocity is analyzed as a traditional mechanism for the protection of state sovereignty and the equality of states, but also as an instrument for regulating international legal cooperation. It starts from the distinction between legal, factual, and presumed reciprocity and their role in ensuring reciprocity in cross-border relations, while indicating a gradual transformation from a formal to a functional approach. The analysis of court practice and comparative law decisions shows an evolution from strict formal to material (factual) reciprocity and an increasingly pronounced tendency for reciprocity to be assumed, instead of being formally proven, whereby the center of gravity increasingly moves towards procedural guarantees, public order, and the principle of mutual trust. Special attention is paid to contemporary solutions in the law of the European Union and other legal systems, as well as the impact of the Hague Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Court Decisions from 2019 [Hague Judgments Convention 2019], which affirms a model based on procedural standards and not on formal reciprocity. Critical analysis shows that formal reciprocity in modern law is gradually losing its role as a general precondition for recognition and is increasingly giving way to functional models, which reflect the need for balancing between the protection of state sovereignty and the strengthening of international cooperation and trust. It is concluded that the domestic legal system already contains elements of this more modern approach, and that further development should be directed towards strengthening convention and supranational mechanisms of recognition, while retaining reciprocity as a subsidiary instrument in the protection of national interests.
BEST INTERESTS OF THE MIGRANT CHILDREN IN THE SYSTEM OF ASYLUM IN THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
In all the proceedings where the child appears as a party, the principle of the best interests of the child appears as the most general principle through which the child is protected. The following laws regulate the best interests of migrant children in the Republic of Serbia: Family Law, Law on Foreigners, Law on Asylum and Temporary Protection, and Law on Social Protection. One of the problems in practice is that an unaccompanied child, from entering the territory of Serbia until the submission of the asylum application, is assigned different persons as temporary guardians on several occasions. The major problem in the administrative procedure and the realization of the best interests of the child is reflected in the fact that police officers register unaccompanied and separated children and conduct official actions in the asylum procedure without the presence of a temporary guardian. Processing of asylum applications is not a priority, and the speed of decision-making depends on many factors, including the expediency of the acting official of the first instance body. The Asylum Office must take into account the best interests of the child at every stage of the asylum procedure, particularly when deciding on the child's asylum application, and must take into account the opinion of the guardianship authority and the opinion of the child, which is one of the basic elements of the principle of the best interests of the child.
Copyright (c) 2025 Serbian political thought
LEO STRAUSS’S CRITIC OF MODERN NATURAL RIGHT CONCEPTS AND ITS CONTEMPORARY RELEVANCE
This paper reviews Leo Strauss’s critique of modern natural right concepts and their contemporary relevance in the light of the crisis of modernity. The first part of the paper observes Strauss’s interpretative approach to classical political thought, whose main purpose was to rediscover classical wisdom for solving many theoretical and practical contemporary issues. Natural Right and History, Leo Strauss’s best-known work, deals with the topic of the relevance of the idea of natural right in light of the 20th century’s main dilemma of political philosophy – the crisis of modern political and normative order. Therefore, the second part of the paper gives a brief insight into Strauss’s view on the crisis of modernity that is displayed in his work The Three Waves of Modernity. Then the work turns its focus on the field of natural right, where, in the third section of the paper, the opposition between classical and modern natural right concepts is analyzed. The final chapter gives some conclusions on the contemporary relevance of Strauss’s ideas on natural right and its consequences on both contemporary political philosophy and political life. It shows that some of Strauss’s ideas on natural right are more relevant than ever, while others turned out to be problematic, unsuitable, or quite naïve and irrelevant.
LOCAL COMMUNITY ASSEMBLIES IN SERBIA AS A FORM OF DIRECT CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT – BETWEEN TRADITION, REPRESENTATIVE AND DIRECT DEMOCRACY –
The subject of this research is local community assemblies as forms of direct democracy in Serbia. The paper seeks to identify a correlation between the traditional forms of these assemblies and the development of local self-government and democracy. By using the doctrinal concepts of direct democracy and local self-government, as well as theoretical methods, such as the dogmatic and normative legal method, historical and comparative methods, and, based on empirical findings, the authors provide a diachronic overview of local assemblies of all citizens. These assemblies have a long tradition in Serbia. From former custom-based institutions, they were transformed into local government bodies during the nineteenth century. This transformation meant a gradual phasing-out of their direct representative character and their importance as central bodies of local government. The underlying cause of these changes results from the conflict between political conceptions of local democracy (decentralists) and proponents of a strong state and local administration (centralists), as well as broader political circumstances. The model of classical representative body in local self-government persisted until the beginning of World War II. In the post-war period, consistent with the ideological postulates of Marxism and self-management socialism, two new forms of these bodies emerged in the communist Yugoslavia – assemblies in local communities (citizens’ assemblies) and assemblies in business enterprises and organizations (working people’s assemblies). During the final decade of the twentieth century, following the dismantling of self-management socialism and a return to the classical model of local self-government, these forms of direct democracy at the local level were abolished. The authors conclude that the era of socialist self-management left a contradictory legacy in terms of attitudes toward direct democracy and direct citizen participation in local government. A residual element of such a legacy is the concept of assemblies in local communities, which, in practice, has no substantial role in the functioning of local self-government in Serbia. The authors point to the shortcomings in the legal framework and propose normative and technical solutions that could improve the way of citizens’ direct participation in the exercise of local power.
NEW – OLD TRENDS IN THE FIELD OF CRIMINAL POLICY IN THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
The Draft Law on Amendments to the Criminal Code of 2025 announces a significant reform of Serbia’s substantive criminal legislation. In addition to a series of newly introduced criminal offences – many of them controversial from a criminal policy standpoint – it also proposes a substantial tightening of sentencing ranges for certain offences. Driven by populist rhetoric and accompanied by an almost dismissive attitude toward the achievements of criminal law scholarship, the Draft disregards empirical knowledge of the real capacities of punishment and the actual effect of increased repression on crime prevention. By threatening excessive penalties for violations of criminal norms in the sphere of serious forms of criminal behavior, the proponent of these measures continues to strengthen retributive tendencies. In doing so, Serbian criminal law increasingly diverges from the liberal, rule-of-law model, and is rapidly transforming into a form of “enemy-oriented” criminal law – one in which all means are considered permissible in the state’s effort to combat threats to the legal order. Such an orientation is inappropriate for a legal system that seeks to preserve democratic features, as it poses a serious risk of undermining fundamental human rights in the realm of punishment. Moreover, it is frequently accompanied by inefficiency and weak results in controlling criminal behavior. It could be said that such an orientation in the field of criminal policy in the Republic of Serbia is nothing new; on the contrary, if we consider the period since the first serious instance of intensified penal repression in 2009 – when the penalty ranges for as many as one third of existing criminal offences were made more severe – the trend toward prescribing increasingly harsher punishments has shown no sign of abating. What is most concerning, however, is the well-founded fear that this tendency has not yet reached its peak and is likely to continue in the future.
The United States and the World Order: From Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Delano Roosevelt to Donald J. Trump
COLORED REVOLUTIONS – CONTEMPORARY FORMS AND EXPERIENCES
KOSOVO* SPECIALIST CHAMBERS: ORIGINS, LEGAL NATURE, AND POLITICAL ROLE IN THE CONTEXT OF TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE
This paper examines the legal nature and institutional framework of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and the Office of the Specialist Prosecutor. The author offers a critical analysis of the establishment process, institutional structure, and political function of the Specialist Chambers, with particular emphasis on the role of the European Union in their creation and operational activities. The study also addresses the key jurisprudential challenges these institutions face. Special attention is devoted to the functioning to date of the Specialist Chambers and the Office of the Specialist Prosecutor – institutions established within the legal system of the self-proclaimed Republic of Kosovo, mandated to investigate and prosecute serious crimes committed in Kosovo and Metohija between 1998 and 2000. The methodological framework of the paper includes both normative and critical methods, with the aim of determining the legal nature and re-examining the functioning of these institutions through the analysis of international legal instruments. In addition to the positivist legal approach, the paper also presents a critical theoretical framework.
SYNERGY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES – AN INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDY OF THE IDENTITY OF NATIONAL MINORITIES
This scholarly paper examines the prospects and strategic significance of cooperation between Serbia and India within the BRICS platform. Special attention is devoted to the economic dimension of cooperation, especially in international politics, economics, trade, finance, and agriculture. The paper aims to highlight the importance of a more balanced global financial architecture. In this context, Serbia’s potential engagement with BRICS through enhanced cooperation with India is presented as an opportunity for both countries, with an emphasis on their cooperation in science, education, and agriculture. In conclusion, the authors explain that Serbia–India cooperation represents a strategic opportunity to strengthen economic sovereignty and foster sustainable development, while contributing to a more equitable and multipolar international order.
“SERBS OF MOSAIC FAITH”: AN ANALYSIS OF DAVID A. KOEN’S “ORATIONS” AS A MODEL FOR NATIONAL INTEGRATION OF JEWS
This article presents an analysis of the formation and discursive structure of texts collected in the book Orations Dedicated to the Serb Youth of Mosaic Faith, as a reflection of a particular project of integration of the Jewish population into the framework of the Serbian nation towards the end of the 19th century. Based on the theoretical foundations of Rogers Brubaker and Siniša Malešević, the key ideological elements of such a project are identified, which allows for gaining insights both about the scope of conceptualising nationality immediately following the formation of a nation-state in the Balkans and the ways in which representatives of minority groups could present themselves as potential participants in shaping such conceptions. Following a contextualist approach, the analysis aims at uncovering a “political language”, one significantly informed by particular socio-political relations on the basis of which it may be (and may have been) possible to understand the nation and nationhood at a particular time and place.
SYSTEMIC AND CULTURAL PROTECTION OF PRIVACY IN SERBIA: TOWARDS A COMPREHENSIVE LAW IN A TRANSITIONAL CONTEXT
This paper examines the normative, institutional, and cultural framework for privacy protection in the Republic of Serbia, focusing on the challenges of artificial intelligence and digital transformation. The core assumption is that current regulation fails to provide comprehensive and sustainable protection of privacy as a fundamental right. The methodology relies on normative, comparative, and critical analysis of constitutional provisions, legislation, institutional reports, and practice. Results reveal legal fragmentation, weak implementation, and limited public and institutional awareness. The conclusion emphasises the need for constitutional reform, the adoption of a systemic privacy law, and the development of cultural infrastructure to protect digital dignity.
THE DISCOURSE OF THE NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AFTER THE COLD WAR
The paper analyses the United States’ approach to national security after the Cold War. The research is primarily conducted through an analysis of U.S. national security strategy documents from 1991 to 2025. The authors discuss the U.S. national security strategy document in the first part of the paper, as it originated in the United States. The second part of the paper analyses American strategies after the Cold War, from President George H. W. Bush in 1991 to President Joseph Biden in 2022. A special section is devoted to the analysis of the most recent U.S. National Security Strategy, published by the Trump administration in 2025. By applying the comparative method, content analysis, and the case study method, the authors reach the following conclusion: Politics is dominant, because interests rule the world, but strategy answers the question – how? All U.S. national security strategies after the Cold War are directed toward global leadership and/or U.S. hegemony; what differs is the discourse of presidential administrations within them and their conduct in practice.
ПРОМЕНА РЕГИОНАЛНЕ РАВНОТЕЖЕ СНАГА КАО ПРЕДУСЛОВ ЗА ОРУЖАНУ ИНТЕРВЕНЦИЈУ АЗЕРБЕЈЏАНА У НАГОРНО-КАРАБАХУ 2020. ГОДИНЕ
The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War of 2020 decisively influenced the regional security architecture of the South Caucasus and the fate of the protracted Azerbaijani-Armenian conflict over the status of this mountainous enclave. This paper aims to examine the circumstances that enabled Azerbaijan’s military victory and the transformation of the regional order. The theoretical framework applied is neoclassical realism, which integrates structural factors and unit-level variables in the analysis of states’ foreign policy. The paper argues that the altered regional balance of power constituted an essential precondition for Azerbaijan’s armed intervention and subsequent triumph in the autumn of 2020. This shift resulted from a combination of interrelated factors. The first pertains to Russia’s neutral stance toward the warring parties, accompanied by a gradual weakening of its regional supremacy. The second concerns the growing role of Turkey as Azerbaijan’s ally, which particularly contributed to the rapid modernisation of Baku’s armed forces. Finally, the passivity of Iran and the West, along with the deepening military cooperation between Israel and Azerbaijan, further strengthened Baku’s regional position. These factors reshaped the regional order in the South Caucasus and made Azerbaijan’s military intervention possible.
RATIONALIZATION OF REPRODUCTION – PATH TOWARDS DEHUMANIZATION OF HUMANITY: POLITICAL, LEGAL, AND ETHICAL ASPECTS OF USING ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE IN EMBRYO SELECTION
Artificial Intelligence is becoming an essential part of human life, and the creation of life is no exception. While using AI in biomedically assisted reproduction (BMAR) gives new hope to couples struggling with infertility, it also raises a difficult question: where are the ethical limits of letting a machine interfere with human conception? This paper argues that the growing “rationalization” of the reproductive process through AI selection is not just a technical upgrade, but a deeply political and complex issue. In this paper, we analyze the legal and ethical risks of this trend, specifically focusing on how the process of conception is becoming “dehumanized”. A major concern is that we are relying too much on algorithms that nobody truly understands. This “black box” nature of AI can easily undermine the autonomy of parents and the validity of their informed consent in one of the most private moments of their lives. The philosophical danger of treating human embryos as mere objects for selection, which directly threatens their inherent dignity, is also examined. With the goal of pointing out gaps in our current laws, the paper looks closely at the regulations in the Republic of Serbia. We find that existing legal solutions are not fully prepared for these new challenges. Finally, we propose new regulatory steps that would put the dignity of the embryo first. Through a prism of ethics and a warning against the loss of human empathy, this paper concludes that an uncritical use of AI in reproduction carries a serious risk of turning the act of creating a human being into a cold, mechanical procedure.
CRITICAL REVIEW OF SOPHISTIC MODELS OF PERSUASION REGARDING THEIR SIGNIFICANCE AND INFLUENCE ON MODERN POLITICAL RHETORIC
Sophists were professional teachers of primarily rhetoric who imparted their knowledge to young men in the Greek world. They were active in the fifth century BC, and their influence, above all on rhetoric, was enormous both on later centuries and classical Greek authors, and up to the present day. This is especially reflected in political rhetoric, which is based on persuasion, i.e., convincing listeners by using various rhetorical techniques, the foundations of which were laid by the sophists. It is a common opinion that democratic campaigns should be based on rational argumentation based on the truth, but in practice, this is not the case, and they are more often based on opinion and not necessarily on truth. The basis of doxastic argumentation was laid by the sophists. This paper will analyze certain attitudes of the sophists as well as fragments of their works that indicate that their thought is still present in the political space, using and analyzing the best examples from the most famous sophistic representatives, namely Protagoras and Gorgias. Some of their principles are implemented in modern political campaigns in democratic systems, which reproduce the structural models of persuasion developed by the sophists, where the emphasis was on performance, the impression that was left and effective presentation.
TOWARDS THE NEW SOCIAL POLICY: EUROPEANIZATION OF THE NATIONAL POLICY OF FINANCIAL SUPPORT FOR FAMILIES WITH CHILDREN
The paper examines the policy of financial support for families with children as an integral part of social policy in Serbia. Its aim is to present and critically analyze the design, scope, and effectiveness of four key measures of the policy of financial support for families with children –maternity leave, parental allowance, child allowance, and preschool subsidies – and to compare it with contemporary European policy trends. The scientific significance of the paper lies in its contribution to understanding the transformation of the national family-oriented social policies in post-transition contexts and their political implications within social policy reforms. By integrating the political, economic, and social dimensions of financial support measures, it expands existing knowledge on how public policies address demographic challenges, gender equality, and child welfare. The focus is on the coverage and adequacy of targeted cash benefits as well as the development of the national design of parental leaves and its generosity in the process of harmonization with the standards of the European Union. The paper has the potential to inform evidence-based policymaking by offering recommendations for improving financial support measures, strengthening parental equality, and reducing child poverty. The comparative analysis with European Union policies highlights gaps and opportunities for policy harmonization, emphasizing the need for sustainable, inclusive, and investment-oriented approaches to the policy of financial support for families with children in Serbia.
SEX IN RECENT GENDER POLICIES: INTERDISCIPLINARY REFLECTIONS ON THE X V. NORTH MACEDONIA CASE BEFORE THE ECTHR
This article was initially prompted by the inconsistent use of the terms sex and gender in the landmark case X v. the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (now Republic of North Macedonia) before the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). Although the judgment was delivered several years ago, national legal implementation remains incomplete and, to some extent, problematic. This topic remains timely more broadly, given the limited engagement of English legal discourse with the ECtHR’s evolving approach to gender recognition. The authors investigate why a seemingly straightforward legal adjustment, such as introducing a gender marker on birth certificates, has proven so contentious. Their inquiry revealed that the term gender, originally introduced to distinguish from sex, has been increasingly subsumed into the concept of sex, often being used interchangeably. The Court’s judgment reflects this conflation: at times it refers to sex, at others to gender, and frequently to both (e.g., sex/gender) without clear differentiation. This raises critical questions, foremost among them: Why was there such a concerted effort to establish gender as distinct from sex when some of the same actors now assert that the two are effectively synonymous? While the X v. North Macedonia judgment marks a significant step in affirming transgender rights, it also exposes the ECtHR’s ongoing terminological ambiguity. In the absence of clear and consistent language, and in pursuit of fulfilling human rights obligations, particularly under articles 8 and 14 of the ECtHR, a legal compromise has emerged: recognizing gender identity as a fundamental aspect of personal identity, protected under the right to respect for private life.
THE ANATOMY OF VETTING – BETWEEN LAW AND POLITICS
The paper examines the phenomenon of vetting in the judiciary in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia, as post-communist countries in the European Union accession process. Vetting is not a uniform concept, and it appears in several forms, such as review, reevaluation, and re-election (reappointment) of judges. There is no unique vetting model because it is impossible to apply it to different socio-political contexts. The author of this paper approaches vetting as an anti-corruption instrument useful in systems in which the rule of law is systematically and continuously violated, as well as the independence of judges and public prosecutors is violated. Vetting as a personnel reform programme in the judiciary should be agreed upon by a broad consensus (social, legal, and political actors) based on the constitutional and international norms. As a form and the cornerstone of administrative justice, vetting paradigm experienced a Copernican turn from transitional regimes to weak democracies. In the first case, it was a transitional justice mechanism, while in the second case, it was an instrument of recovery and strengthening the rule of law.
HOW AND WHY BULGARIA MISSED ITS CHANCE TO BECOME AN ENERGY CENTER IN THE BALKANS
THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION: BETWEEN WESTERN AND EASTERN CULTURAL MEMORY OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT
This paper explores the “Macedonian Question” through the lens of the cultural memory of Alexander the Great. Rather than viewing it solely in political, legal, or geopolitical terms, the study examines the ideological and cultural constructions that shape contemporary understandings of the ancient legacy. Particular attention is given to the difference between Western and Eastern cultural memory: the Western tradition primarily presents Alexander as a conqueror and bearer of imperial order, while the Eastern tradition portrays him as a cultural mediator. The paper demonstrates that these divergent interpretations are not merely academic but carry strong political implications in the present regional and international context. Contemporary Macedonia emerges as a space where these narratives collide, most visibly in the dispute over its name and the Prespa Agreement, but also in broader processes of positioning the Balkans between West and East. Thus, the Macedonian Question today is not only a matter of national identity, but also a field in which global processes of cultural hegemony, ideological construction, and strategic competition are reflected.
LEGALIZED EUTHANASIA: A HUMAN RIGHTS AND BIOMEDICAL ETHICAL DIAGNOSIS
Euthanasia has been the subject of much legal, religious, moral, and human rights debate in recent years. At the center of this debate is how to reconcile competing values: the wish of patients to choose to die by waiving their right to life through voluntary consent, and the necessity to uphold the inviolable right to life of every person, as recognized by Article 6 (1) of the ICCPR. Even though euthanasia is mostly illegal, there is an ever-increasing drive towards legalization. As more States begin to re-examine and, in some instances, rescind their bans on euthanasia, the international human rights legal community needs to re-examine and reconfirm its viewpoint on the utmost essential human right, that is, the inviolable natural law right to life. By validating euthanasia through national statute, the fundamental human right to live is de facto nullified for many more people than the few whose assumed right to die is compromised. Regrettably, illogical arguments based on obscure and fictional rights, such as “the right to die with dignity,” largely go unopposed, while insistence on respect for true natural law and fundamental human rights, as well as established international jus cogens norms, including the right to life, are negated. The key medical moral criteria— autonomy, beneficence, non-maleficence, and justice — are characterized and illuminated in the context of euthanasia to provide a general, ethical, and moral analytical framework that aids policymakers in making ethically sound judgments.
LEGAL PROTECTION OF WORKERS AND EMPLOYERS WHEN USING ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE IN THE WORKING ENVIRONMENT
The use of artificial intelligence in the work environment by both workers and employers represents the present in which many issues of labor law are realized, which indirectly affect both Commercial Law and Intellectual Property Law. In the digital age we are in, workers exercise new rights and new forms and ways of working that pose a challenge to labor legislation, while employers can use (generative) artificial intelligence tools when hiring and controlling workers, which raises a number of questions in the field of ethics, the realization of basic workers’ rights, and the protection of personal data. The issue of legal protection of artificial intelligence developed by workers in an employment relationship with an employer is open. In the spirit of the new EU regulation 2024/1689 on determining the conformity of the rules on artificial intelligence, the authors in this paper propose new legal solutions in the field of Labor Law and Intellectual Property Law (de lege ferenda).
SURROGATE MOTHERHOOD – ABUSE OF FINANCIAL (IN)ABILITY OR SOCIALLY ACCEPTABLE FAMILY PLANNING METHOD
Surrogate motherhood, as one of the most sensitive and controversial issues not only in the field of contemporary family law, but also in the field of human rights law in general, has its foundations both in medical advancements and achievements and in the evolution of legal and societal awareness. Surrogacy, as an important family-building pathway, is primarily driven by a profound desire of intended parents for parenthood and the fulfillment of the most important role in life. In this paper, the author will analyze surrogate motherhood, especially focusing on the proposed legal framework of altruistic-gestational surrogacy within the Pre-draft of the Civil Code of Serbia. Using normative and axiological methods, it is questionable whether and which type of surrogacy should be understood as an abuse of rights and medical achievements. Having in mind numerous advantages of precise and restrictive provisions of surrogate motherhood as proposed in the Pre-draft of the Civil Code, it would be preferable to consider surrogacy, established as a method of female infertility treatment, a socially acceptable method of family planning.