Political Life – Journal for Policy Analysis has been published since 2011. The publisher is the University of Belgrade – Faculty of Political Science, Center for Democracy. The journal focuses on the analysis of institutions and political structures (polity); analysis of political actors, processes, and areas of action (politics); and analysis of the results of politics (policy content in the form of public policies). In addition to political science, the journal covers a broader range of topics and issues within the field of social sciences. In the recent evaluation conducted by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia, and in accordance with the Rulebook on the Categorization and Ranking of Scientific Journals, Political Life has been promoted to the category of leading journals of national significance (M51). All scientific papers published from the beginning of 2022 will be evaluated according to this new rank (until a new ranking is issued).
Univerzitet u Beogradu - Fakultet političkih nauka - Centar za demokratiju, Beograd
This paper analyzes the dominance and eventual collapse of Montenegro’s Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) through the lens of dominant party theory. For three decades, DPS governed without alternation, blurring the line between competitive democracy and a de facto one-party state. The study examines mechanisms of dominance (patronage, institutional capture, and identity politics), alongside internal weaknesses, public discontent, and external influences that culminated in the party’s 2020 defeat. Situating Montenegro in comparative perspective, the paper highlights parallels and divergences with other predominant party systems in the Balkans and beyond, contributing to debates on hybrid regimes and democratic resilience.
Prikaz knjige Bojan Kovačević, U Makijavelijevom teatru. Priče sa pozorinice politčkog, Akademska knjiga, Novi Sad 2024. Str. 440.
Peace without reconciliation: post-conflict as a permanent condition
This paper presents a review of Stefan Surlić’s monograph The Balkans After the War: Peacebuilding or Statebuilding?, which examines the nature and sustainability of post-conflict orders in the Western Balkans. Starting from the premise that post-conflict is not a transitional phase but a permanent condition of political life, the author develops a theoretical framework that moves beyond dominant liberal-institutionalist approaches. The analysis shifts the focus from institutional design to the question of political legitimacy, emphasizing the gap between procedural and consensual legitimacy as a key source of long-term instability. Through a comparative analysis of Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, and Kosovo, the paper demonstrates that consociational institutional arrangements simultaneously contribute to stability while reproducing ethnic divisions, thereby limiting the prospects for deeper political integration. A key contribution of the book is the conceptualization of vertical integration as a relationship of trust between citizens and institutions, whose absence represents a central challenge for post-conflict societies. Furthermore, the role of international actors in sustaining hybrid forms of sovereignty is highlighted, alongside the structural incentives shaping the behavior of political elites. The paper concludes that the limitations of contemporary peacebuilding models are not merely the result of inconsistent implementation, but stem from the very logic of post-conflict orders themselves. This opens space for further research on the conditions under which a political community can be perceived as legitimate by all its members.
Historical revisionism in foreign policy of Turkey and Serbia
The paper examines and compares the causes and consequences of the historical revisionism of Turkey and Serbia, embodied in the intense and harsh denial of the genocide committed against the Armenians in 1915 and the genocide committed against the Bosniaks in 1995, respectively. Regarding the theoretical framework, the paper applies the theory of ontological security. The theory starts from the fact that states, as well as individuals, need a stable autobiography and a solid narrative about the past and the origin of the community. That narrative and state identity are called into question when the state and its society are confronted with the crimes they committed in the past. Turkey and Serbia invest great efforts in denying the crimes of the past, thus trying to protect their identity and the narrative they have created about themselves. Despite the fact that Turkey and Serbia differ in terms of foreign policy, size, power and position in international relations, neither one nor the other suffers significant consequences of such revisionist policies.
Ethics as a Potential Demarcation Line Between Lobbying and Trading in Influence
Abstract: Lobbying has become an important component of the political system in contemporary democratic states. Its increasing involvement in decision-making processes requires democratic governments to incorporate it into legal frameworks and ensure its implementation in accordance with the rule of law. Lobbying practices conducted without adequate regulation and transparency may lead to forms of corrupt conduct and create the perception of trading in influence. For this reason, it is essential that ethics be not only acknowledged but effectively applied in the process of regulating this activity. By establishing clear ethical boundaries, lobbying can ensure that individuals engaged in lobbying activities are properly distanced from illegitimate and harmful practices. In addition to offering a theoretical examination of the nature of lobbying and ethics, the author seeks, through a critical analysis of key documents and laws governing these activities, to assess the extent to which codes of ethics prevent trading in influence, proceeding from the premise that they establish normative frameworks within which lobbying must be conducted. Aligning lobbying practices with ethical standards may lay the foundation for a more professional approach to lobbying, thereby reshaping its negative public image, particularly its perception as a tool for advancing private interests closely associated with trading in influence and corruption.
Predictors of electoral participation: What motivates citizens of the Republic of Srpska?
The subject of this paper is the study of factors influencing the electoral participation of the citizens of the Republic of Srpska. Using survey data, the authors seek to identify the key predictors of electoral participation and determine to what extent the survey results align with the dominant theoretical models of voting behavior. The analysis established that the decisive factors influencing a voter's decision to cast a ballot or abstain are the following: political cynicism, a sense of civic duty, perception of the importance of one’s vote, perception of election transparency, and social pressure. Party identification also proved to be highly significant. Citizens who express a high level of interest in political events are more likely to vote in elections. Those who demonstrate loyalty to a political party regularly participate in elections. Therefore, it is reasonable to discuss the electoral participation of the citizens of the Republic of Srpska in terms of the cognitive model of electoral participation, and particularly the party identification model, given that political interest and party identification have proven to be the most significant predictors of electoral participation.
The Impact of Media Consumption on Voter Behavior in Serbia
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Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Mention"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Smart Hyperlink"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Hashtag"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Unresolved Mention"/> </w:LatentStyles> </xml><![endif]--><!-- [if gte mso 10]> <![endif]--> Media play a crucial role in shaping political attitudes and electoral behavior. This paper examines how daily media consumption, including television, online news portals, and social media platforms, affects the political behavior of four groups: voters of the ruling party, voters of the civic opposition, right-wing voters, and abstainers. Using logistic regression analysis, we assessed the impact of media consumption on the likelihood that voters will support particular parties or refrain from voting. The analysis includes demographic control variables such as age, level of education, urban or rural residence, and regional differences. Logistic regression was employed to explain the predictors of different types of media consumption on voting behavior. The dependent variables represent the probability of voting for each of the four groups, while the independent variables include demographic factors and media consumption. The results indicate that media consumption significantly influences voter behavior, with television and online news portals having a stronger effect compared to social media. The ruling party benefits most from traditional media (television), while right-wing parties gain substantial support through online portals. Social media platforms show mixed effects, with certain platforms such as Facebook and Instagram emerging as spaces of support for right-wing voters.
The Rise of the National Front and the De-demonization (dédiabolisation) Strategies
The controversial political figure of Jean-Marie Le Pen significantly influenced the formation of the so-called “cordon sanitaire” by mainstream parties in France, which for many years prevented the National Front from becoming a significant actor in the formation of the executive government. Although the party achieved high electoral results in certain cycles, it did not have the opportunity to materialize these successes. For this reason, the main task of Marine Le Pen, who took over the party in 2011, was to, in a sense, “rebrand” the party, reform it, and “liberate” it from its “extremist” image. The first step was distancing the party from its founder, and later renaming it – the National Rally. This paper deals with this process of “de-demonization” initiated by Marine Le Pen, examining its causes and ultimate outcomes.
OD BESTSELLER-A DO FLOP-A: REFROMA IZBORNOG SISTEMA NEMAČKE
<p style="margin: 0px; text-align: justify; font-style: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-width: normal; font-size: 12px; line-height: normal; font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size-adjust: none; font-kerning: auto; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variant-emoji: normal; font-feature-settings: normal; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-variation-settings: normal;">Rad analizira reformu izbornog sistema Nemačke iz 2023. godine i sistemske posledice u izbornom ciklusu 2025. godine. Tvrdnja rada jeste da sistem nije izmenjen putem direktnog reformisanja izbornih pravila, već je u pitanju promena do koje je došlo usled naslaganja (layering) novih pravila na već postojeće, čime se menja njihova logika funkcionisanja. Uočena je jasna sistemska greška koja, posredstvom uvođenja pravila o jemstvu drugog glasa (Zweitstimmendeckung) i konsekventnog ukidanja komenzacijskih mandata, ostavlja iza sebe određeni broj izbornih jedinica bez predstavnika. Empirijska analiza performansi reformisanog izbornog sistema govori o kontinurianoj proporcionalizaciji sistema, kao i o specifičnostima koje se javljaju u izgubljenim izbornim jedinicama.
The renewed great power competition has intensified debates on possible strategies of the United States toward the other two major powers in the international system, Russia and China. One approach that has been gaining popularity, particularly with Donald Trump’s return to the White House, is the “reverse Kissinger” strategy. Drawing on the analogy with President Richard Nixon’s diplomacy and his most influential foreign policy advisor, Henry Kissinger, in the early 1970s—when the restoration of U.S.-China relations weakened the Soviet Union—this approach envisions improving U.S. relations with Russia in order to separate Moscow from Beijing and limit China’s growing power. Relying on a comparative method, the paper examines differences between the original context of this approach and its potential contemporary application. The theoretical framework employed is the balance of threat, which highlights fundamental differences in the perception of security challenges in the modern U.S.–China–Russia triangle compared to the U.S.–USSR–China triangle of the early 1970s. Unlike that stage of the Cold War, when Beijing identified Moscow as its main threat, today both powers perceive Washington’s policy as their central challenge, which has enabled the formation of their strategic partnership. Moreover, tensions caused by the war in Ukraine and Russia’s growing economic dependence on China represent additional obstacles to the application of this strategy. Under such circumstances, the “reverse Kissinger” should be seen as an illusion based on faulty analogical reasoning.
Bring Them All Home: The Hostage Return Protests and Making of Israeli Foreign Policy in the October 7th War
The article presents an analysis of the role of protests aimed at the return of Israeli hostages as a key factor in setting the foreign policy agenda of the State of Israel during the first two years of the October 7th War. By relying on Robert Putnam’s ‘two-level’ approach to foreign policy analysis, the protesters, both as organised groups and regular citizens, are viewed as key actors in the ‘second’, i.e. domestic level of politics. By demonstrating the importance of protests in setting the agenda for warfare and peace negotiations, as well as their limitations in this regard, the article argues for a continued analytical relevance of popular mobilization within Israel’s political system and foreign policy. In particular, the ability of protests to set and maintain the return of the hostages as war goal, yet their inability to effect a ceasefire deal, is placed in the context of Israel’s political pluralism and democratic procedures.
The ups and downs of Serbia's foreign policy after 2000
German foreign policy and Serbia during the mandate of Olaf Scholz's government
Paper explores German foreign policy regarding Serbia during the mandate of the government of Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who succeeded Angela Merkel in that position. Paper examines continuities and changes in the foreign policy towards Serbia, and determines key issues in relations from Berlin’s perspective in the period 2021-2024. From a theoretical point of view, paper is based on Charles Hermann's conceptualization of foreign policy changes. In addition to the prevailing continuities, related to priorities of regional stability, economic engagement, but also framework of initiatives for regional cooperation and process of European integration, adjustment changes and attempts of program changes are also identified in Germany's approach to Serbia. Key open issues on which German government took a more critical stance and (or) exerted more intense pressure were discussed: (1) (non)joining the regime of sanctions against Russian Federation, (2) deadlock in the process of normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo, (3) democratic backsliding in Serbia. Consequences are reflected in the deteriorating level of political relations between Germany and Serbia during most of the Olaf Scholz’s mandate.
Controlling the Right-Wing Political Parties: Informal Mechanisms of Co-optation and Marginalization in Serbia (2017–2024)
This article examines how right-wing parties in Serbia (2017–2024) are selectively included in or excluded from the political system through informal mechanisms of control. Drawing on theories of delegative democracy, informal institutions, competitive authoritarianism, and selective pluralism, it explores how the governing coalition co-opts, symbolically legitimizes, or conditionally tolerates opposition actors while limiting their substantive political impact. Through case studies of the Serbian Patriotic Alliance (SPAS), Zavetnici, Dveri, the New Democratic Party of Serbia (NDSS), the People’s Party (NS), the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), and Branimir Nestorović’s political movements, the article demonstrates that the right-wing opposition remains formally present, but its relevance depends on its contingent utility to those in power. The findings indicate that co-optation, selective visibility, and temporary marginalization are not anomalies but recurring governance patterns that sustain an illusory pluralism, while displacing genuine competition through personalized decision-making and media-driven control.
From Social Innovation toward the Paradigm of New Public Governance
The paper explores the relationship between social innovation and the concept of New Public Governance (NPG) as the dominant paradigmatic framework of contemporary public administration. In the context of globalization, social crises, and increasing societal risks, public policies are increasingly relying on networks, partnerships, and multi-actor collaboration. Social innovations, emerging from community initiatives or through cooperation between public, private, and civil sectors, represent a potential for transforming traditional modes of governance. Based on the assumption that social innovations are not a governance model per se but become part of it through institutionalization and integration into public policies, the paper aims to highlight their role in shaping New Public Governance and improving the effectiveness of public service delivery.
The Death of Nuance and the Rise of the Affective: Political Elections in the Virtual Dark
Vukelić Miloš (2024) „Postdigitalni kulturni ratovi na zapadu“ Novi Sad: Akademska knjiga
Local Elections - National Themes: Centralizing Personalization of Local Elections in Serbia
<span class="TextRun SCXW184994034 BCX8" lang="EN-US" style="-webkit-user-drag: none; -webkit-tap-highlight-color: transparent; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; user-select: text; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variant-emoji: normal; text-align: justify; white-space-collapse: preserve; font-size: 11pt; font-style: italic; line-height: 25.5px; font-family: 'Times New Roman', 'Times New Roman_EmbeddedFont', 'Times New Roman_MSFontService', serif;" xml:lang="EN-US" data-contrast="none">The 2024 local elections in Serbia are characterized by a campaign in which national themes predominantly occupied a central place while the questions and issues relevant to specific local communities were marginalized. This paper explores various determinants that shape national-oriented campaigns and their impact on voter behavior, with the emphasis on persuasive techniques used in media and mobilization of public resources by the ruling party. The study aims to comprehend the roots of the nationalization process of local elections and the crucial implications on democratic process. Using the method of critical discourse analysis (CDA) of media coverage (electronic media with national coverage, mainstream printed media and digital editions, as well as prominent local media), the paper offers comprehensive insights in the campaign strategies and their effectiveness.
The Political System of France After the 2024 Elections
This paper analyzes the transformations of the French political system through the lens of structural changes in the political field, considering the institutions of the Fifth Republic not as fixed legal frameworks, but as a space of continuous struggle between actors seeking to preserve or redefine power relations. From Emmanuel Macron’s election in 2017 to the 2024 snap parliamentary elections, French politics has undergone a process of destabilization of established divisions and a reconfiguration of political cleavages, leading to a tripolarization of the political field and the disruption of the traditional functioning of power. The Fifth Republic, designed as a stable and efficient system, even at the cost of certain democratic achievements of liberal democracies, is now facing growing tensions between institutional structures and shifts in the balance of power within the political arena. The reliance on presidential authority has proven insufficient to manage the challenges posed by new political and social dynamics, while institutional rules are increasingly circumvented through crisis-driven decision-making mechanisms. This paper argues that these processes not only pose a challenge to the legitimacy of existing institutions, originally designed in a radically different socio-political context, but also necessitate a reassessment of institutional models that could offer solutions for overcoming the current crisis of the French political system.
30 years from Dayton: Analysis of proposals for constitutional changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina
The Dayton Peace Agreement was signed in Paris in December 1995. The Agreement ended the war and established a new constitutional and political system. After the first decade, there was a talk of the need to change the Agreement. This refers primarily to the amendments to the Constitution, which is integral to the Peace Agreement. Main research question relates to the proposals for constitutional changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the impact on the political system. This question arises from the observed demand for constitutional change, which didn't happen thirty years after the signing of the agreement. Methodology involves a comparative analysis of the three most significant proposals: The April Package, the Prud Agreement, and the Butmir Process. In addition, the statements and interviews of political representatives during and after the negotiation process and their interpretation of the agreements reached will be used. This paper contributes to understanding the constitutional reform process and its challenges. The paper gives us a new perspective on understanding constitutional changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Ultimately, this paper represents a significant theoretical framework for future research.
European Digital Constitutionalism: Toward Norms of Free Journalism on Accountable Platforms
Digital platforms such as Facebook, TikTok, Instagram, and Microsoft are fundamentally transforming all spheres of social life, including journalism. In a platformized society, journalism is normatively destabilized due to the datafication, commodification, and moderation of journalistic content according to the criteria of the platform ecosystem (Van Dijck et al., 2018). To establish digital constitutional balance, the European Union, through a series of legislative acts, seeks to deplatformize the digital ecosystem within its borders and establish an institutional mechanism for upholding human rights and democratizing the digital sphere. Among these, the Digital Services Act serves as the central normative framework for governing digital platforms, aiming to shape the digital ecosystem based on the principle of accountability through a systemic approach and a comprehensive institutional arrangement. With the adoption of the European Media Freedom Act, journalism has taken on a special place in the current wave of regulation and, for the first time, has become the subject of a comprehensive intervention by the European Union. At the intersection of platform accountability and journalistic freedom, this paper explores the governance dynamics on and over platforms from the perspective of the normative challenge journalism faces in fulfilling its crucial informative role in the digital ecosystem.
Sociological and political aspects of intellectuals in the contemporary society
The aim of this paper is, first of all, to consider sociologically and politically the importance of intellectuals in contemporary society in correlation with desirable qualities such as trust and honesty. Therefore, in addition to trust and honesty, which should adorn a true intellectual, the paper is focused on the interpretation of relationships: intellectuals and institutions, intellectuals and reality, intellectuals and education, intellectuals and forms of violence, intellectuals and the masses, and intellectuals and the secret service. Except for the mentioned relationships, the paper discusses two types of intellectuals: critical and salon intellectuals, as well as the influence of intellectuals on the formation of cultural patterns in society and the state. In conclusion, it is stated that, in addition to trust, honesty should be an attribute of every true intellectual. It implies the existence of objectivity and impartiality towards: the other, others and the environment, but also morals and moral values.