Immediately after the establishment of the Institute for Political Studies in Belgrade, in January 1968, the edition of "Political Notebook" was launched, with the aim of affirming political theory and practice in the society of that time. The tradition of this journal continued in the mid-nineties of the last century, when the journal was renewed in the form of an annual, in which scientific papers were published, i.e. results of research work on projects of the Institute for Political Studies. Finally, in 2002, the Institute again launched a new series of political notebooks, this time under the name "Political Review", with the intention of regularly presenting knowledge from the fields of political science, political sociology and anthropology , recent political history, communication studies, as well as applied public opinion research - practically from all those areas that establish political science at the beginning of the 21st century, to our professional, academic, and general public. The journal is published four times a year.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY AS THEORY: EMMA GOLDMAN, FREE LOVE, AND THE POLITICS OF NON-BELONGING
This paper examines Emma Goldman’s thought through the lens of autobiography as a theoretical and historiographical source, arguing that Living My Life should not be read merely as a record of political activity, but as a primary site of anarcho-feminist knowledge production. Through an analysis of Goldman’s autobiographical writing and theoretical essays, the paper demonstrates that her critique of the state and marriage consistently extends into the sphere of intimacy, where marriage is understood as an institutional apparatus that reproduces gender hierarchy and regulates emotional life. In contrast, free love is interpreted not as a private ethical or sexual stance, but as a political practice of non-belonging — an intimate relationship based on voluntariness, non-possessiveness, and the rejection of normative regimes governing personal relationships. The paper argues that Goldman’s autobiographical method destabilizes the conventional divide between the personal and the political, offering a feminist model of situated knowledge in which theory emerges from lived experience, emotion, and resistance. By treating autobiography as both a methodological approach and a political act, this study contributes to contemporary feminist and political theory by highlighting the epistemological significance of life-writing in the formation of radical critiques of authority, intimacy, and freedom.
RELIGION AS AN INSTRUMENT OF SOFT POWER: FROM THE “WESTPHALIAN ORDER” TO MULTIPOLARISM
THE 1935 CONCORDAT AS A CONSTITUTIONAL-LEGAL CHALLENGE IN THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE STATE AND THE SERBIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH
This paper analyzes the Concordat of 1935 as a constitutional and legal challenge in the relations between the state and the Serbian Orthodox Church in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. It examines the legal, political, religious, and social circumstances surrounding its adoption, with the aim of clarifying the reasons why the Concordat provoked a profound crisis within the state. Particular attention is given to the reactions of the Serbian Orthodox Church and other religious communities, which perceived the Concordat as an act that could grant a privileged position to the Roman Catholic Church within the existing legal framework. By considering the differing interpretations of contemporary legal scholars and political actors, the paper highlights the complexity of the Concordat issue and the persistence of divided opinions regarding its impact on the religious and political life of the Kingdom. The analysis demonstrates that the roots of the crisis were embedded in the constitutional and legal system of a relatively new, multi-confessional, and multi-ethnic state, which faced significant difficulties in reconciling inherited traditions with modern European legal standards. The paper concludes that the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was unable to overcome this constitutional and legal challenge, not only due to widespread public dissatisfaction, but also because of structural limitations inherent in its state organization and legal system.
NORMATIVE ASPECTS OF HUMAN RIGHTS PROTECTION IN THE AGE OF ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE
Artificial intelligence, operating within its comprehensive physical and omnipresent digital dimensions, is fundamentally transforming numerous intimate and public aspects of our everyday lives. Its constant and increasingly pervasive presence, reflected in the growing number of devices and applications, illustrates a rising societal tendency to place full and ever-greater trust in complex algorithms in the pursuit of rapid advice and efficient solutions to a wide range of personal and professional problems and tasks. Within public discourse, its undeniable potential to stimulate economic growth, accelerate technological progress, and generate other measurable benefits for society as a whole is frequently celebrated with enthusiasm. Yet, overshadowed by these promising narratives, significant challenges that inevitably confront the fundamental rights and freedoms of individuals in this new technological environment are often largely overlooked. In the following text, the author seeks to carefully and systematically acquaint the reader with the foundational concept of human rights as a fundamental achievement of civilization, their rich theoretical background shaped throughout the history of philosophical and legal thought, as well as their crucial role in the ongoing and increasingly intense debates on the ethical, legal, and social implications of contemporary artificial intelligence. Among the numerous complex and unresolved questions inevitably raised by the rapid development and ever-expanding application of artificial intelligence, particularly in the sensitive domain of human rights, the author will identify and critically examine those rights that, according to many experts and observers, are most endangered and are increasingly emerging at the very center of attention. This includes not only the focus of the academic and scientific communities but also the concern of the broader public. These rights are: the right to privacy in the digital age, the principle of non-discrimination in the context of algorithmic decision-making, freedom of expression in the online sphere, and the right to work, which is inextricably linked to the increasingly pressing issue of potential mass unemployment and the growing inequality in the distribution of economic wealth within society.
GNOSTIC HERITAGE IN PHILOSOPHICAL CONCEPTS OF THE CONTEMPORARY AGE AND TOTALITARIAN POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES OF THE 20TH CENTURY
In this paper, the author starts from a genealogical consideration of the sources and differences between ancient and modern Gnosticism, as well as their crucial divergence from authentic Christian postulates (which relate primarily to the idea of salvation, the creation of the world, and the position of man in the world), in order to analyze the presence of the Gnostic heritage and ideas in some philosophical theories and modern political totalitarian ideologies. Those comparative analyses are based on the teachings of the political and philosophical thinkers Eric Voegelin and Hans Jonas, as well as other authors. Such political ideologies, which are opposed to realistic political theories, propagate the change of human reality within history into a reality without God, through various forms of manipulation, through new forms of “humanism”, through various ways of inhumane rule over people, by propagating revolutions, as well as through new forms of knowledge that can "transform" human nature, as well as act to erase their identity. The Gnostic interpretation of the world as a human prison created by the evil Demiurge, and pessimistic views on the alienation of man from nature, the world, and God, are met, on the other hand, with promises of human “salvation” through secret knowledge and the creation of a perfect and righteous world in the political-ideological sphere as well. Such an expression of Gnosticism belongs to political Gnosticism as well as social Gnosticism, which often manifest themselves as political extremism and end in utopia. Gnosticism as a kind of spiritual, religious and philosophical movement, developed with the emergence of Christianity, during the second and third centuries, tried to give answers to some spiritual questions which have sources also in Christianity. In the later centuries, modern Gnosticism become accepted in many modern totalitarian political ideology and ideas of modern and contemporary philosophies. In this paper the author starts from very obvious differences between Gnosticism and Orthodox Christian dogma when it is about the phenomenon of salvation, ideas about the real creation of this world and its Creator, humans’ position in such a world. The main gnostic idea differs from the biblical idea that this word is created by one perfect Being as it is God and claims that this imperfect world must be created by evil demiurge in which a human feels to be a stranger and tends to escape from it. Such an idea can be found in many Gospels, which are not a part of the Bible and that is part of gnostic literature. Salvation towards God and the transcendence world to gnostic one can be attained by the secret knowledge — gnosis, but for the few only. On the other hand, Gnosticism sees the world from a dualist perspective, human is apart from God, and human is thrown into the world as in prison, which we found in Heidegger philosophy, too and in Marx idea for transforming world through dialectic materialism. Such an ideas are also involved in many political ideologies that see salvation through political sphere. Christianity starts from the very different concept of world created by one perfect God, and the world and humans presented imago Dei (image of God), salvation is possible for all humankind, and primarily through faith (pistis) and not through sofia, as we see in one of the main works of Gnosticism as it is Pistis Sofia. The above-mentioned characteristics of ancient Gnosticism in the modern world took new form, so the idea of salvation is no longer coursed towards transcendent world, but towards immanence, to the historical sphere where humanity can change its reality through knowledge, science, political government, political ideology and various movement as it is communism, national-socialism, progressivism, as claims Voegelin. Actually, gnostic inheritance we can find not only in ancient world, but deeply rooted in political ideology of 20th century, especially in totalitarian political ideology, when we reflect on Voegelin’s main idea of the very strong influences of Gnosticism on modern political science, and its new meaning. On the model of Voegelin`s criticism of Marx ideas and communism, the author shows which gnostic paradigms are involved in the modern political ideologies. The author also analyzed the source of interpretation of the history of Western civilization through ancient Gnosticism (mediated by Eastern ideas) from the analysis of Hans Jonas. Such an interpretation of history can also be found existing in the modern European political structures that reject Christian roots. Gnostic ideas and thinking can be found not only in political theory, as it can be seen in Karl Schmits theory, or in the political ideology of national socialism, fascism, but also in Hegel’s, Heidegger’s, and Nietzsche’s philosophies, which propagated the world without God, new way of truth and transforming the human nature. Another line of gnostic influence and symbolism the author presented in modernity and its crisis, manifested through phenomena of secularization, atheism, avant-garde art and through new forms of spirituality and religion, as it is angelism, which Russian philosopher Epstein presented as form of minimal religion in the contemporary world that loses control over many realms such as economic, political, social spheres, and sphere of language, which are under the influence of technology as well.
STUDIES OF THE BALKAN OTHERNESS TWO DECADES LATER: HISTORICAL, POLITICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL CHALLENGES OF A PARADIGM
By the end of 20th Century a paradigm based on the assumption of discursive colonization of the Balkans, became a means for scientific understanding of reproduction of stereotypes and alteration of the Balkans in relation to Europe. Becoming a fashionable scientific tool for understanding political, economic and social crises in the Balkans, this paradigm included imagological interpretations of ethnic stereotypes, relatively complex analysis of various representations in travelogues, postcolonial critic and spatial and symbolic geographies. Drawing on some of the results of these studies and pointing out their weak points, the author states the main reasons for loss of relevance of imagological, postcolonial, geographical and other studies, that refer to the Balkans as symbolic geography, and textualy colonized part of the wold. Studies of the Balkan Otherness in Serbia and in academic circles of the Western Balkan region has come a long way from discourse analysis to displacement of criticism to geographical space. The enthusiasm that promised the concrete answers and practical solutions to the consequences of peripheral position of the Balkans, faced pessimistic image of post-transition reality. Less and less popular studies of the Balkans brought impossibility to develop and improve healthy and fertile parts of this scientific frame. In political and identity context, this ambiguity paradoxically proved the subaltern position of the region. The lack of new inspiration and and popularization of 19th century representations and Balkanist phrases led to impossibility of researchers to recognize contemporary material that undoubtedly located the Balkans in postcolonial frame.
RESULTS OF LOCAL ЕLECTIONS IN BOGATIĆ МUNICIPALITY FROM 1992 TO 2023 - LOCAL AUTONOMY OR LOCAL POLITICAL MIMETISM?
This paper presents the results of local elections in the municipality of Bogatić in the Mačvan administrative district from the introduction of the multi-party system until 2023. The objective is to provide a description and explanation of the local electoral processes in this Mačvan municipality and to point out the volatility of the citizens’ electoral will, with a focus on the phenomenon of replicating coalition central to the local level. Local elections in Bogatić were held in seven equal four-year election cycles, with the electoral system being changed as many as five times in the observed period.
THE CONTRIBUTION OF PHILIPPE BAUMARD TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC INTELLIGENCE THEORY AND STRATEGIC CULTURE IN FRANCE
Research on knowledge management, organizational dynamics, and crisis decision-making in France has been profoundly influenced by the cognitive theory of Philippe Baumard. By emphasizing the strategic interconnection between the economy and the state, Baumard pioneered an original framework for economic intelligence, transposing knowledge and practices from the national intelligence and security community (communauté nationale du renseignement – [CNR]) into the domains of business, large capital, and the private sector. In parallel, he contributed to the development of French strategic culture, addressing existing gaps through reliance on strategic information and defense traditions. Advocating a proactive approach centered on sovereignty and the protection of economic interests, Baumard initiated efforts to position France as a global economic power capable of maintaining independence in an increasingly competitive environment. His contributions extended to cybersecurity, where he distinguished himself both as a systems theorist and as a practitioner. Despite the significance of his work, Baumard’s theoretical and practical contributions remain largely unfamiliar to the broader professional community. This study, through qualitative analysis of documentary sources, underscores the interdisciplinary and comprehensive nature of his approach – rooted in the political traditions of Charles de Gaulle and bearing implications across strategy, economy, intelligence, education, and cybersecurity. The findings suggest that Baumard’s scholarship provides a valuable foundation for advancing the understanding of national power, strategic culture, and the role of economic intelligence in contemporary global competition.
MIDDLE EAST AS A GEOPOLITICAL MONITOR OF THE WORLD ORDER
Author wants to check the claim of the Alexandr Dugin that Middle East is one of the geopolitical monitors of the world. He notes that the war started by Israel and United States against Iran questions and dilutes all notions of national interest, of democracy building or of international society in international relations, of institution building, of conflict over markets, regional order construction (without any consensus of at least the majority of regional countries), and the struggle for the class domination. What remains are religious or transcendental motives of the decision makers, and that is why he tries to understand this war and its consequences from the philosophy of history angle. Thus, he emphasizes the role of agent, or of governing elites as main shapers of international relations. In order to sustain this he presented the pluridecennial effort of US to sustain Israel defence budget and its security also by donating to Arab countries, in order for them to be in good relations with Jewish nation state. Military actions harmed strategic economic infrastructural interests also of USA, EU and Israel, thus confirming the supremacy of other motives over economy. Furthermore, the collapse of the world order is outcome of the failure of China and Russia to preserve it through adaptation from western-led to multilateral management. He contends that they failed in the macro region of the Middle East, due to Israeli American wars in that part of the world. Author finally draws conclusions on the future asset of the world order and destiny of Western alignment. Second chapter delineates importance of the macro region for the great powers, and for international political, legal and financial order. Third chapter briefly reconstructs crucial steps in the change of the world order manifested in regional events since the second half of the 1990s. Next, fourth chapter examines how polarity changes in the region are harbinger of world trends, from the multipolarity in the region already in 2014, US evacuation form Kabul, economic rise of China as a regional partner and other events indicating major trends. Finally, first defeat of Israel and impotence of US to impose the change in Iran are omens of the decline or of overstretch of previously leading great power, and of the instability before the establishment of the new world order.
THE VITALITY OF HUNTINGTON'S “SOLDIER'S MIND” – ARE THE CADETS OF THE MILITARY ACADEMY CONSERVATIVE?
Seven decades ago, Samuel P. Huntington proposed a theory of civil-military relations, the foundation of which are the professional military ethics of officers, which are typically conservative in their principles and values. It simultaneously allows officers to practice their profession (which is in direct contact with politics), command the army (which is one of the institutions of the political system), and participate in the execution of tasks (which are part of the war effort or preparations for war, the essence of which is political). Since then, the dominant social values have changed significantly, especially after the collapse of the USSR and the dominance of neoliberal capitalism. The armies of numerous European states have been reformed. The important question is whether the values of the officer profession have changed and liberalized in order to align with dominant social values or whether Huntington’s conservative military mind is resisting the challenges of the times. In this paper, the vitality of Huntington’s theoretical explanation of officer professionalism is proven by empirical research on the attitudes of cadets of the Military Academy in Belgrade, which indicate their conservatism. The cadets’ attitudes are aligned with the traditional values of the army and its social role. At the same time, they are in contradiction with the dominant social values of fluid modernity. The research results show a homogeneity of the cadets’ responses, which are largely unaffected by their socio-demographic characteristics. They also point to one truth: the officer profession mainly attracts young people with a conservative attitude. This may perhaps explain some of the problems in attracting more young people to enroll in military schools and serve in the military, which almost all armies in Europe are facing today.
THE IMPACT OF THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN CONFLICT ON THE RELATIONS OF THE WESTERN BALKAN COUNTRIES TOWARDS THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION
The subject of this paper is the analysis of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, which represents one of the most significant geopolitical events of the contemporary international order, with far-reaching consequences for global and regional relations. Even after more than four years of the conflict, which remains the focus of world attention, it serves as an input for unpacking global geopolitics. As a global problem, it has shaken the foundations of world hegemons, raising the question of the extent to which it shifts the foundations of the Western Balkan countries, whose states remain unfinished projects of the post-Cold War era. The diverse interests of the Western Balkan countries and the differences in their foreign policy approaches deepen political disagreements, thereby affecting their causality and regional stability. This paper defines the extent to which the conflict alters their foreign policy stances toward the Russian Federation, and how it reflects on their economies, political, and security relations. Through a historical-comparative method, the paper examines the degree of traditional ties between the Russian Federation and the Western Balkan countries, as well as their divergence aimed at aligning foreign policy with the policies of the European Union and the wider international community, taking into account their aspirations toward European integration. The aim of this paper is to contribute to the understanding of the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the foreign policy relations of the Western Balkan countries toward the Russian Federation, and to provide a better insight into contemporary foreign policy developments within a broader international context.
EUROPEAN UNION’S JUSTIFICATION OF MILITARISATION THROUGH THE CONCEPT OF STRATEGIC PEACE
The article examines how the European Union’s post-2022 security approach and discourse redefine the meaning of peace through the emergence of what is conceptualised in the paper as strategic peace. Building on critical peace scholarship, the article argues that strategic peace represents a discursive synthesis of peace and deterrence, in which peace is no longer understood as the opposite of militarization but as something sustained through it. Through a content analysis of major EU strategies and the discourse within them, the article shows how Russia was framed as an existential threat to European stability despite its arguably limited direct military risk, legitimizing increased defense spending, NATO expansion, and thus a further militarization of the EU. This reframing of peace allows EU member states to militarize while maintaining a positive self-image of normative peacefulness, presenting military spending and strategic alignment as peace-preserving. Strategic peace is conceptualized as a broader transformation from liberal, cooperative notions of peace toward a deterrence-based understanding that normalizes militarization as necessary for European peace and security.
ОД СТАТУСА КА УГОВОРУ: БИОПОЛИТИКА МОДЕРНОГ БРАКА И ГРАНИЦЕ ДРЖАВНЕ ИНТЕРВЕНЦИЈЕ У РЕПУБЛИЦИ СРБИЈИ
The adoption of Family Law in Serbia in 2005 marks a fundamental change in how the state governs domestic life. By introducing the marriage contract, the state embraced neoliberal individualism, transferring regulatory power to private actors while maintaining institutional oversight through notary procedures. This movement functions as a biopolitical mechanism that integrates market logic into the private sphere, eroding the collective protective mechanisms characteristic of the socialist era. Despite the formal emphasis on freedom of contract, structural barriers continue to undermine equality between spouses. Moving beyond the myth of absolute autonomy, this study identifies a persistent “dilemma of choice” shaped by ideological illusions and gender-sensitive power imbalances. Through critical discourse analysis, the paper demonstrates how the neoliberal framework rebrands systemic economic risks as individual responsibilities, leaving the socio-economically weaker spouse vulnerable. The Serbian family thus remains at a critical crossroads, caught between persistent patriarchal frameworks and the atomizing pressures of globalized neoliberalism.
EURASIAN GEOGRAPHICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BALKAN PENINSULA AS A FRAMEWORK FOR GEOPOLITICAL PROCESSES
The Balkans’ geographic position at the crossroads of Europe, Asia, and Africa makes it a key geopolitical hub. The subject of this paper is the analysis of the Eurasian geographical characteristics of the Balkan Peninsula and their repercussions on the geopolitics of major world powers (USA, Russia, EU, China) and powerful regional actors in the Balkan Peninsula, without a detailed examination of the individual and mutual geopolitical relations of the Balkan countries themselves. Through the lens of balkanization, this study investigates how geographical and political differences in the Balkans shape its history and contemporary geopolitical relations. Some of the historical geopolitical processes that dominantly shaped the Balkans include the influence of the Ottoman Empire and the breakup of Yugoslavia. Contemporary geopolitical processes in the Balkans, with a focus on NATO and EU integration, demonstrate how geographical features and the strategic interests of major powers (especially the USA and Russia) shape the region. At the end, the possibilities for preserving stability, fostering further connections, and shaping the region’s perspective are considered, which are directly related to the Balkans’ geographical and strategic position in the Eurasian context.
UNDER THE LENS OF TIME: THE CULTURE OF SPORT IN THE POSTMODERN ERA
In this study, the author, drawing on relevant literature and employing a comparative-historical method, analyzes sporting events across different cultural and historical periods. The text examines the relationship between sport, culture, and time in the context of the postmodern era, with particular emphasis on distinguishing physical, social, and technological time.It is shown that in the era of global technological acceleration, sport has become a mirror of contemporary society, which evaluates individuals based on records, results, and media exposure, rather than the virtue and spirit of the game advocated by the ancient Greek Olympians. Unlike them, the modern athlete becomes a media hero and a magnet for the global entertainment industry, representing a continuation of the Roman circus tradition in a postmodern form. Drawing on Spengler’s theory of the cycles of culture and civilization, the author demonstrates that modern (mass) man, from the industrial age to the present, has lost a sense of historical duration, living in ahistorical time, trapped in the “cage” of the present moment. This phenomenon is also reflected in sport, which increasingly loses its original meaning. Technological progress and media spectacularization condition the gradual disappearance of sport’s humanistic dimension.
BETWEEN MULTICULTURAL AND INTERCULTURAL CONCEPTS: EDUCATION FOR MEMBERS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES IN SERBIA
Education for members of national minorities represents one of the most important topics in contemporary political theory with a specific attention dedicated to concepts of multiculturalism and interculturalism as reality in most of ethnically diverse societies. In such societies, the protection of minority rights becomes a key indicator of democratic maturity, integration and social cohesion, which makes education a crucial factor for accomplishing and maintaining political stability. Albeit the fact that there is no universal model of successful education for national minorities, high level of international standards and mechanisms guide the preservation of linguistic and cultural rights of minorities. At the theoretical level, liberal political thought views education as a form of soft power essential for democratic development. Interculturalism is often seen as a dynamic exchange between cultures and thus, more effective than sole multicultural coexistence, as it requires genuine dialogue, acceptance and solidarity. In the past 25 years, Republic of Serbia has developed a unique legal and institutional framework for minority protection and for the preservation of education for minorities through domestic legislation, ratification of international documents and special institutional mechanisms. Despite this, challenges in implementation remain, highlighting the need for continues policy improvement to ach ieve the proclaimed ideal of interculturalism. Contemporary theorists such as Kymlicka, Talyor and Bennett emphasize the crucial role of education in safeguarding collective identity, language and culture, as well as fostering interethnic dialogue and social cohesion. The main aim of modern debates is to reach the fine line and find a balance between minority identity preservation and integration into wider society, navigating between multicultural and intercultural models. The system designed in Serbia offers three different models of minority education: full instruction in minority language, instruction in Serbian with minority language and culture as subjects and bilingual education (in Serbian and minority language). The first model prevails in practice, but faces various obstacles and challenges, such as lack of qualified teachers, textbook, financial resources and complex procedures. In Serbia (and in many other Western Balkan countries) educational reforms reflect a gradual shift from ethnocentric models toward intercultural approaches. Educational policies are designed to cultivate solidarity and understanding, reduce ethnic distance and strengthen the feeling of belonging. Overall, the paper underscores that quality minority education is indispensable for democratic governance, successful diversity management and societal stability. It argues that the way forward for Serbia is within strengthening intercultural educational policies and practical implementation, with the main aim of upholding identity differences while promoting shared belonging and inclusive citizenship. The paper is primarily based on a theoretical approach and a descriptive analysis of relevant scientific literature, statutory and bylaw acts, as well as research in the field of public education and national minorities.
INSTITUTIONAL, STRATEGIC AND SOCIO-POLITICAL FACTORS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF GREEN POLITICAL PARTIES IN SERBIA
This paper examines how institutional (electoral) design, in interaction with party strategies and the broader social context, shapes the parliamentary affirmation of green political parties in Serbia. Drawing on contemporary approaches that do not interpret the development of issue-oriented parties through institutional determinism, but rather through the interplay of structural rules, strategic positioning, and social mobilization, the study analyzes the role of the proportional electoral system as one of the dominant factors of their political relevance. Particular attention is devoted to the elements of electoral engineering in Serbia—a single nationwide electoral district, the electoral threshold, the D’Hondt formula, and closed party lists—and their cumulative effects under conditions of post-transitional party competition. The empirical analysis covers electoral processes and key reforms of electoral legislation in the period 1990–2023, with particular emphasis on the introduction of the proportional representation system in 1992. The methodology combines quantitative analysis of disproportionality and party system fragmentation (the Gallagher Index and the Effective Number of Parties Index) with qualitative analysis of coalition strategies, processes of institutionalization, and contextual social conflicts that enabled the political articulation of green issues.The findings indicate that the proportional electoral system in Serbia provides structural opportunities for the entry of green political parties into parliament, but that their sustained parliamentary relevance depends on the ability of green actors to strategically consolidate support and politically articulate social and environmental conflicts. The paper thus demonstrates that the rise of green actors is the result of the interaction between institutional rules, their quantitative effects, and strategic agency within a specific social context.
ENVIRONMENTAL DISCOURSE OF THE MEDIA IN SERBIA
The authors of this paper examine the ways in which the media in Serbia have reported on environmental issues, with the aim of identifying their frequency, content structure, and dominant themes in the headlines of print newspapers and online news portals. The relevance of the selected topic is grounded in public opinion research, which has consistently demonstrated a growing level of public interest in issues related to environmental degradation. In other words, environmental problems, climate change, and energy transitions – albeit in different forms and to varying degrees – have gained increasing prominence within the Serbian public sphere. Accordingly, a content analysis was conducted on a sample of articles published in various print media outlets and online portals over the period from 2015 to 2025. The selected time frame enabled insight into the longitudinal relevance of these issues for mass media, reflected in the number of headlines, but also a better understanding of the broader ecological and economic context (the planning of mini-hydropower plant construction, air pollution, the announcement of various mining projects, etc.). The analysis is limited to headlines as the primary carriers of information, given their role in directing readers’ attention in line with their interests. A mixed-methods approach combining quantitative and qualitative analysis was employed in order to capture a broader range of characteristics of media discourse, such as the representation of various environmental issues, the style of reporting and its informational value and the presence of critical or sensationalist framing.
FROM GEOPOLITICAL TO ASTROPOLITICAL TENSIONS: HOW ESCALATING RIVALRIES SHAPE THE SPACE STRATEGIES OF THE UNITED STATES, RUSSIA, AND CHINA
This paper analyzes the transformation of outer space from a domain of scientific exploration into a space of intense geopolitical competition among leading global powers. The aim of the study is to determine how heightened geopolitical tensions in the period from 2014 to 2024 have influenced the redefinition of the space strategies of the United States of America, the Russian Federation, and the People’s Republic of China. Through a comparative analysis of the space strategies of these states, the paper addresses the question of how outer space is becoming an arena in which technological advancement, military power, and ideological influence intersect and compete. The research is based on a combination of geopolitical and astropolitical theoretical frameworks, applying the realist paradigm of international relations and a threefold methodological approach that includes comparative analysis, content analysis of official strategic documents, and theoretical–interpretative analysis. Particular attention is devoted to examining how space exploration technologies are becoming instruments of both soft and hard power, while the boundary between their civilian and military use is gradually eroding. The results of the study indicate that although the United States continues to maintain a dominant position thanks to long-term investments and institutional infrastructure, the growing ambitions of China and Russia’s attempts to revitalize its space programs signal a process of the multipolarization of space. In conclusion, outer space is emerging as one of the key arenas of future geopolitical conflicts, but also as a field for redefining international relations and security paradigms in the twenty-first century.
“AN OGRE AT OUR DOORSTEP” – CAN THE RUSSIAN THREAT UNITE EUROPE?
When French President Emmanuel Macron extravagantly compared Russian leader Vladimir Putin and his policies to an evil mythological creature, an “ogre on Europe’s doorstep,” he reflected the perception, prevalent in many European capitals, of an aggressive and expansionist Russia that threatens the security of the entire continent. The idea of ​​an acute Russian threat has become the guiding star of the accelerated militarization of European Union (EU) member states and attempts to improve common defense capabilities. The initial impetus for such a development was the war in Ukraine, which was presented by advocates of greater integration and autonomy in the defense sector as a potential turning point for European security, but also as a kind of Copernican twist that would bring the long-standing fantasy of European strategic autonomy, independent of the changing priorities of the United States, closer to reality. The aim of this paper is to reexamine the assumption about the role of the war in Ukraine in two main ways. First, it questions the very credibility of the idea of ​​a Russian threat that threatens the entire continent. Second, it points out that Moscow's actions, due to different perceptions of the threat and divergent interests, do not cause the same degree of concern among all EU states. The main hypothesis of the paper is that emphasizing the Russian threat is insufficient to establish a cohesive, unified approach among EU states to defense and security issues. Relying on the assumptions of the balance of threat theory to inform decisions on balancing and balancing interests to reflect divergent interests within the EU, the paper points out the challenges faced by a community of sovereign states when it must behave as a great power in an anarchic international system.
ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY AND CRITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE RESILIENCE: CHALLENGES OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT DUE TO CLIMATE CHANGE
According to scientific assessments by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, anthropogenic influence is the main driver of global warming, аs extreme weather events are becoming increasingly frequent and intense. Climate change and the negative consequences that these changes entail pose a serious threat to the sustainable development that the global community strives for. Due to the negative impact on the stability of ecosystems, the sustainability of economic development, and the security of human communities, the possibility of sustainable development goals being maintained in the long term is being questioned. Understanding sustainable development as an effort to ensure that current generations meet their needs without compromising the ability of future generations to do the same is becoming increasingly complex and challenging in the context of advancing climate change. Critical infrastructure that ensures the functioning of the state and society and ensures that the basic needs of the population are met is increasingly exposed to the effects of climate change, which is a particular problem given its importance. Extreme climate phenomena, land degradation, and environmental disasters are increasingly leading to serious social consequences, with critical infrastructure being extremely vulnerable. Disruptions in the supply of electricity, water, and food, the need to invest in repairing the damage caused, increased risks to the security of both the infrastructure itself and the wider environment, and reduced community resilience are just some of the consequences of endangering critical infrastructure. In light of climate challenges, investment in the protection and strengthening of the resilience of critical infrastructure must be an integral part of environmental policy, as a set of regulations and measures aimed at protecting and preserving the environment. The paper analyzes the correlation between environmental policy and the resilience of critical infrastructure from the perspective of climate change, starting from the theoretical foundations of environmental policy and the concept of resilience. Special emphasis is given to assessing the vulnerability of critical infrastructure in the context of climate-related natural disasters, as well as the interdependence of infrastructure systems that can lead to cascading effects and systemic disruptions. The paper examines the development of environmental policy, from its institutionalization to the contemporary global and European normative, strategic, and operational framework, including the 2030 Agenda, the Paris Agreement, the Sendai Framework, and relevant European Union policies. Through the analysis of examples of good practice from different countries, the paper highlights the importance of integrated and preventive measures in the planning, construction, and adaptation of infrastructure to climate risks. It concludes that strengthening the resilience of critical infrastructure is an effective instrument for reducing risks, ensuring the uninterrupted provision of essential services, and strengthening the security and stability of society, and that it must be systematically integrated into environmental policy and sustainable development strategies.
ENERGY SECURITY AND SUSTAINABILITY IN THE WESTERN BALKANS: CHALLENGES ON THE PATH TOWARD GREEN TRANSITION
Energy security, as an essential dimension of national security, is deeply intertwined with economic, social, and geopolitical dynamics and represents one of the most pressing challenges facing the Western Balkan region at both national and supranational levels. At the national level, energy security is strongly connected to political stability and economic resilience, while at the supranational level, it is tied to the region’s ongoing process of European integration. The Western Balkans face a complex and interdependent set of challenges in achieving energy security and sustainability, situated within the broader context of the European Union’s Green Deal and the Green Agenda for the Western Balkans. This paper examines the evolving relationship between energy security, environmental sustainability, and regional cooperation, noting how certain structural and institutional limitations within the Western Balkan countries may slow the pace of the green transition. The study identifies key vulnerabilities in national energy systems while assessing the degree of alignment with EU climate objectives and the 2050 carbon neutrality target. The findings reveal that despite modest improvements in renewable energy integration, the Western Balkan region remains highly dependent on fossil fuels, particularly coal, and vulnerable to fluctuations in energy imports, which together hinder progress toward decarbonization and long-term stability. Strengthening regional cooperation mechanisms, alongside transparent and predictable regulatory frameworks, emerges as a prerequisite for advancing both energy security and sustainability. The paper concludes that achieving the 2050 climate neutrality objective will remain highly challenging for the Western Balkans unless regional cooperation is significantly strengthened and aligned with broader European efforts.
LOCAL ELECTIONS IN ZAJEČAR AND KOSJERIĆ, 2025
The regular local elections in the city of Zaječar and the municipality of Kosjerić, held on June 8, 2025, represented the first vote of Serbian citizens in the two local governments mentioned above, in the changed socio-political circumstances caused by the Novi Sad tragedy on November 1, 2024, in which sixteen people died after the collapse of a canopy at the Railway Station, and which culminated in student demonstrations that began at the end of the same month, first by students and professors of the Faculty of Dramatic Arts, and then by other faculties and universities in Serbia, which gained momentum in early 2025 and culminated with a protest in Belgrade in mid-March that gathered several hundred thousand people. The involvement of students (or as we will call the student movement in the text) significantly changed the political landscape of Serbia – through, as public opinion polls have shown – a decline or even stagnation in the popularity of the ruling party, but also of opposition parties, with a sharp increase in the popularity of the student movement as a potential future political force. The first opportunity to demonstrate the new balance of political forces was the regular local elections in Zaječar and Kosjerić, scheduled for June 8, 2025. Although the opposition lists, with the support of the student movement, failed to win, their success turned out to be far more significant than in previous elections in these local governments.
IDENTITY CROSSROADS AND IDENTITY POLICIES IN MONTENEGRO ‒ IN THE FACE OF THE CENSUS RESULTS 2023-2024.
The results of the population census conducted in Montenegro in December 2023 show several important indicators. First, a clear division into several national communities: Montenegrins, Serbs, Bosniaks, Albanians... Second, the Montenegrin people have retained the status of the majority people in Montenegro. This majority, however, is only relative (only 2 out of 5 residents of Montenegro belong to the Montenegrin nation). Montenegro is officially a multinational community, without a majority of people. Third, the Serbs have retained the position of the second largest national group in Montenegro. There are 4.2% more Serbs than in the previous census in 2011. Every third resident of Montenegro is a Serb by nationality. Fourth, the Bosniaks have increased their population at the expense of Muslims. They now make up 9.2% of the population. Now, a part of Bosniaks, who previously declared themselves as national Montenegrins, have returned to the Bosniak national corps. Fifth, the number of Albanians has remained within the expected limits (around 5%). The census results reveal the following identity intersections: Montenegrins in the majority want Montenegro as a civil community of national Montenegrins, to which all national-ethnic groups in the country should belong. Supporters of this idea see Montenegro in the regional environment of the European Union and NATO. On the other hand, the majority of the Serbian people in Montenegro see the future in closer integration of Montenegro with Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (Republika Srpska). The majority of Serbian political entities in Montenegro do not oppose membership in the European Union, but advocate non-aligned military neutrality, and see Montenegro outside the NATO pact. Finally, there is a third, middle option of residents who declare themselves Montenegrins, but who also preserve part of their Serbian identity: they speak the Serbian language, or at least attend the canonical church – the Serbian Orthodox Church. This population remains committed to the “democratic values” of EU and NATO membership, but wants to achieve closer relations with Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (Republika Srpska). The government of Milojko Spajić, his political movement (PES) in coalition with the Democrats of Montenegro, forms the backbone of this commitment. Montenegro is seen as a community of equal citizens but also of the peoples who live in it: Montenegrin, Serbian, Bosniak, and Albanian. The idea is that all ruling parties, with the opposition political movement URA of Dritan Abazović, build a reference political framework for control and changeability of power. This would avoid the danger of the return of former Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović’s DPS to power. The defense of democratic mechanisms and the defense of multinational stability remain the core values of these political processes.
“SECURITY SENSITIVE AREA” AS A REASON FOR RESTRICTING FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY
A security-sensitive area represents a defined area around buildings of the highest authorities, buildings of special importance for the security of the state, and certain institutions whose basic purpose is to provide undisturbed work of the state bodies by applying a specific regime of public assembly in the area. After the introductory exposure, the issue of assembly location has been processed from the jurisprudential point of view, after which a legal history and a comparative law analysis of protected areas as a way of restricting assembly were performed. In the fourth part, restrictions on assembly locations in the Republic of Serbia were analysed by applying the legal dogmatics method. The author concludes that applying a specific legal regime of assembly in a protected area has constitutional justification, but only if such a regime implies a relative ban on assembly, along with applying the proportionality principle. Under the constitutional law, a protected area cannot represent a justifiable reason for restricting freedom of assembly per se, but it has to be directly related to some of the international law or the constitutional law grounds for restricting freedom of assembly. Law on Public Assembly in the Republic of Serbia prescribes restrictions on assembly locations, including locations which, according to the comparative law experiences, may be considered a protected area, but the constitutionality of some of the restrictions may be questioned for valid reasons since they are defined in advance by the law, and they are also general and absolute.
Socialism and Discrimination: Piketty on Racism
A LONG JOURNEY TO EUROPE: THE PERCEPTION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION DURING THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PROJECT “JADAR” AND STUDENT PROTESTS IN SERBIA
This paper researches the public perception of the European Union (EU) and the process of European integration in Serbia amid the context of large-scale student protests that began in November 2024 and the major tragedy in Novi Sad, as well as the ongoing lithium crisis associated with the controversial “Jadar” project. The aim of the study is to explore how the project “Jadar” and the student protests have affected the EU’s reputation and position within Serbian public opinion, to identify the social groups in which attitudes toward the EU are deteriorating, and to assess the potential long-term implications for the European integration process. The theoretical and methodological framework is grounded in literature emphasizing stability as a central point in the recent past of the EU’s approach to the Western Balkans – often at the expense of democratic principles – and incorporates data from a quantitative public opinion poll conducted on a nationally representative sample. Findings indicate that both the student protests and the lithium mining controversy have adversely influenced public attitudes toward the EU. Notably, this decline in support is observed even among pro-EU citizens, particularly in response to the EU’s official stance on the protests. Public opinion remains highly sceptical regarding the perceived (economic or developmental) benefits of the “Jadar” project, with environmental concerns and doubts over compliance with ecological standards prevailing. Moreover, a considerable portion of citizens critical of the EU’s role in the lithium mining process are individuals who already oppose Serbia’s EU accession. Regarding the student protests, the majority of the public expresses dissatisfaction with the EU's reactions – some perceiving them as too mild, while others regard them as excessively explicit and critical.
EUROPEAN UNION’S GREEN SOFT POWER IN CONTEMPORARY POLITICS: INSTRUMENTS, CONDITIONALITY AND GLOBAL LEADERSHIP
The article examines the concept of green soft power with a focus on the unique example of the European Union (EU). As one of the global leaders in combating climate change, the EU mobilizes its green soft power to shape the environmental changes internationally through non-coercive means. The article recognized environmental diplomacy, global climate leadership, sustainable culture, and green normative framework as key resources in projecting EU green soft power. Using regulatory authority, the EU complements its soft power with conditional mechanisms, making the Union adopt a hybrid form of soft power. The paper argues that the EU combines domestic ecological transformation, exemplified by the European Green Deal, with external instruments such as Chapter 27 of the enlargement process and the Global Gateway initiative, to project environmental norms globally. It further analyzes the EU strategy in recent international climate negotiations (COP26-COP28). Finally, the paper examines two important factors in international relations that limit the EU's capacity to perform and achieve environmental objectives in the international arena – the problematic withdrawal from the Paris Agreement by the United States, and complex evolving relations with China.
THE POLITICAL CONCEPT OF THE “MANAGERIAL REVOLUTION” IN THE WORKS OF JAMES BURNHAM
James Burnham, a 20th-century American conservative thinker, is best known for his concept of the “managerial revolution,” as presented in his 1941 work of the same name. Burnham identifies a new managerial elite, emerging from the owners’ need for experts capable of managing complex, international processes, as the successors of previous capitalist and socialist structures. In line with their growing social role, Burnham examines the influence of the managerial elite in both the public and private sectors, analyzing the consequences of this transformation for the democratic system. Although Burnham’s work did not find a place in the ideological mainstream, his thought has had a particular influence in contemporary conservative and populist circles. This paper aims to provide a critical reflection on the concept of managerialism and its impact on the transformation of social elites, power relations, and the nature of democracy.