The National Security Policy magazine is an accumulation of contemporary reflections on the impact of politics on the building and functioning of the national security system of a modern state. The magazine was created from the anthology "Serbia", which was published regularly for four years and primarily dealt with topics from the domain of defense and security policy, as well as security risks and threats. By the decision of the Scientific Council of the Institute for Political Studies, since 2013, this collection has become first a thematic yearbook, and then a National Security Policy magazine. The editorial aims to analyze and study various aspects of national and international security from a scientific point of view, and especially the role of the state and political structures in creating a security environment, especially in the context of the 21st century and the asymmetric security threats to which the modern state is exposed. The journal is published three times a year, in Serbian and English.
THE ACTION OF PARASECURITY STRUCTURES AND FOREIGN FACTORS IN KOSOVO AND METOHIA IN THE HYBRID WAR AGAINST THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
This paper examines a broader context of the expressed interests of certain foreign factors in contemporary security circumstances, characterised by the presence of hybrid threats, aiming to observe the position and relevance of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (AP of Kosovo and Metohija) within the security agenda of these forces. The purpose of the analysis is the improvement of the methodological approach to a more objective perception and strategic comprehension of the activities and intentions, as well as the accentuation of the significance attributed by the great powers to that territory within the context of other areas and issues where their interests are confronted. The paper analyzes the interests of the United States (US) as the main foreign policy actor in KiM, as well as the interests of certain great and regional powers with a longer presence in the Balkan region, such as the Russian Federation (RF), the Federal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK), and the Republic of Turkey. In order to pursue their own interests and project influence, foreign factors have been undertaking a whole array of diverse measures and activities that are in our contemporary analyses in the field of defence and security often called hybrid warfare, therefore this paper provides a brief review of the hybrid warfare concept through the evaluation of prominent questions and responses, graded as relevant to the decision-making authorities on the strategic level, along with the description of the specific hybrid activities performed by certain para-security structures and foreign factors in the case of the AP of Kosovo and Metohia.
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INDIRECT IMPLICATIONS OF SHARENTING ON THE NATIONAL SECURITY OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
The global phenomenon of “sharenting”, defined as the extensive online sharing of minors’ personal data by parents, represents a complex and indirect threat to national security. Although the motives behind this practice are predominantly uncritical, it results in the construction of permanent digital identities for future generations without their prior consent. In the Republic of Serbia, digital risks are further exacerbated by the disparity between youth's high digital engagement and parents' limited knowledge of information security. While direct consequences, such as identity theft, are well-documented, this paper argues that aggregated data derived from sharenting serves as a strategic intelligence resource for both state and non-state actors. The systemic accumulation of this information facilitates sophisticated psychological profiling, extensive surveillance, and targeted influence operations, potentially compromising key state personnel and undermining social cohesion. Current vulnerabilities in the national cybersecurity system, coupled with legislative implementation challenges, create an environment that is highly conducive to such data exploitation. Addressing these threats requires a coordinated strategic approach that integrates strengthening legal frameworks, technical protection of critical infrastructure, and systemic digital education. Mitigating the risks arising from sharenting is not merely a child protection measure but an essential step in safeguarding national security.
NATIONAL DEFENCE STRATEGY AND RESILIENCE OF THE NORTH MACEDONIA SECURITY SECTOR IN THE ERA OF MODERN SECURITY CHALLENGES
North Macedonia has become a permanent member of NATO in 2020, in the midst of the global and all-pervading Covid-19 pandemic that did not recognize the boundaries between rich and poor, between large, medium and small countries, between strong and weak health systems. Almost all countries were faced with the catastrophic consequences of this pandemic in the field of human security, but also the sustainability of national economies and health systems. On European level, pandemic was followed by the beginning of the conflict in Ukraine, but it is a challenge that did not directly threaten the security of North Macedonia or other countries on the European continent. This conflict indirectly threatened the economic and specially the energy security of Europe. Pragmatical purpose of the paper is to find an answer to the following question – to what extent the security system of North Macedonia is prepared, as well as adapted to face modern security challenges, such as these? From theoretical perspective, authors will analyse the capacities of small states using the Republic of North Macedonia as a case study in the context of the possibility of adapting and facing modern security challenges.
GEOPOLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF BASHAR AL-ASSAD’S FALL IN SYRIA
Adhering to the theoretical framework of classical geopolitcal analysis, the paper provides a geopolitical overview of the change of government in Syria at the end of the prolonged civil war, as well as the course of military operations and a description of the immediately established new situation on the ground. The introductory part of the paper explains the basic weaknesses of the Bashar al-Assad regime, as well as its main flaws that caused its collapse in a period of only eleven days. The second segment of the paper explains the geopolitical importance of Syria in a historical perspective by pointing out its constants within the Levant as an intermediate space in the Middle East located between the areas occupied by regional geopolitical powers in different historical eras. In this way, the similarity between former and the current circumstances is pointed out. The middle part of the paper observes geopolitical dimensions of the newly established state, the ideological and political background of HTS, the ruling military faction in the new, Sunni government in Damascus, as well as its relationship with other factions and their strongholds in the certain areas within Syria. The third part of the paper analyses the influence of external great and regional powers on the situation in contemporary Syria and their interest projections which conflict each other in many ways. The final part of the paper deals with a prognostic assessment of the further geopolitical prospects of post-Assad Syria, taking into account the existing antagonisms and different interests of both Syrian military and ethnic formations and external powers.
THE ISRAEL-IRAN CYBER WAR: THE DIGITAL DIMENSION OF MIDDLE EASTERN CONFLICTS IN A POST-UNIPOLAR WORLD
The conflict between Israel and Iran represents one of the most enduring confrontations in the Middle East. Over the past decade, its dynamics have increasingly been characterised by multidimensionality, reflected in the spillover of the conflict beyond traditional military-political frameworks into other domains, including the digital sphere. Following the Israeli Stuxnet attack on Iranian nuclear infrastructure in 2010, the cyber field has become a pivotal arena of confrontation, involving not only Israel and Iran but also affiliated cyber actors, often operating from third-party states, which adds a further layer of unpredictability and complexity to the conflict. What makes this cyber confrontation particularly significant for interstate relations in the highly sensitive Middle East is the ability of states to inflict damage on one another without resorting to armed force. On a global scale, this conflict reflects a broader transformation of relations between major actors in the international order. The support provided to Israel by the United States, coupled with the growing cooperation of Russia and China with Iran, indicates that the Iranian-Israeli cyber war is becoming an integral part of global geopolitical competition. This research aims to analyse cyber warfare between Israel and Iran, its role in their broader conflict, and its effects on both states and the regional actors who, due to their interconnectedness and complex mutual relations, also become targets. The author highlights the growing importance of the cyber dimension as a field of competition in the Middle East, where “old conflicts” are taking on a new form by shifting the struggle into the digital space, making it an inseparable part of the region's contemporary geopolitical reality in a post-unipolar world.
RUSSIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS IN DONALD TRUMP'S SECOND TERM: BETWEEN DESIRES AND REALITY
Donald Trump’s initiative to restore Russian-American relations by resolving the Ukrainian crisis with partial respect for Russia’s demands seemed surprising and was described as a kind of U-turn in American foreign policy. However, the question is not only what effect such U-turns in bilateral and/or international relations can have, but also whether they can be carried out without major consequences. On the one hand, the Ukrainian crisis is complex; it decisively determines continental security, and therefore, European countries are interested in resolving it. On the other hand, after four years of confrontation, trust between Russia and the collective West has been destroyed, and time is needed to restore it. This research examines the reasons and scope of Donald Trump’s initiative. There is a big difference between the publicly proclaimed desire to contribute to establishing peace and improving Russian-American relations and the realities that arise from the establishment of a balance of power through confrontation. The paper consists of five parts. The introductory section explains the theoretical and methodological frameworks, presents the research question and hypothesis, and defines the concept of “controlled confrontation”. The second part describes the process by which an absolute breach of trust between Russia and the USA led to an escalation of the confrontation. The third part examines changes in the Russian Foreign Policy Concept, and the fourth part examines how the growth of distrust and changes in doctrinal documents contributed to the misunderstanding. The last part is the concluding remarks.
MULTIDIMENSIONAL SECURITY IN MUAY THAI PRACTICE
This article examines Muay Thai as a cultural practice that reflects the multidimensional character of human security. Once tied primarily to warfare, Muay Thai now engages multiple domains of security: physical, economic, health, and ontological. Through ethnographic accounts and historical analysis, I show how the development of Muay Thai has been shaped by the ways Thai society has understood and responded to insecurity, whether military threat, economic precarity, or existential uncertainty. Its practices provide livelihood opportunities, bodily conditioning, and ritualized forms of resilience that extend into both communal life and cosmological orientation. The analysis also considers the perspectives of foreign practitioners, revealing how national narratives meet lived realities. Ultimately, the article demonstrates that security in Muay Thai is paradoxical: the very practices that cultivate resilience and continuity simultaneously produce new vulnerabilities.
EXCESSIVE SECRECY IN DEMOCRACIES: BUREAUCRATIC REFLEX OR SECURITY ILLUSION?
Systematic excessive classification of information within the security apparatuses of the United States, the European Union, and key NATO allies constitutes a structural anomaly within liberal democracies. Through comparative analysis, the article identifies that the principal driver of this phenomenon is the distinction between security secrecy (the protection of genuine security capabilities) and political secrecy (the protection of institutions from accountability). The research demonstrates that, despite different legal traditions, all examined systems share common structural patterns: defensive classification as a risk-minimization strategy, asymmetric incentives that penalize openness, and weak mechanisms of external oversight. The consequences of such practices include erosion of public trust, constrained cooperation within alliances, and reduced effectiveness in decision-making processes. The article concludes that solutions require a paradigm shift – from the logic of the need to conceal toward the principle of the right to know, grounded in the presumption of openness as the basis of democratic legitimacy. Key operational steps include the introduction of mandatory sunset clauses, strengthening the independence and competences of oversight bodies, and harmonizing standards at NATO and European Union levels to prevent misuse of secrecy for information management rather than security protection.
THE IDEOLOGY, ROLE AND ACTIVITIES OF HEZBOLLAH IN THE CONTEXT OF MIDDLE EASTERN CONFLICTS AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY
This paper offers an in-depth examination of Hezbollah, tracing its origins, evolution, ideological foundations, organisational architecture, and operational strategies. It also evaluates its multifaceted impact on regional and international arenas. Grounded in a rigorous definition of terrorism and the defining traits of modern terrorist organisations, the study underscores Hezbollah’s significance as a paradigmatic hybrid actor simultaneously functioning as a political party, social movement, terrorist entity, and paramilitary force. In this capacity, Hezbollah occupies a pivotal position within the complex geopolitical landscape of the Middle East. The primary objective of this research is to systematically examine the key factors that contributed to the formation of Hezbollah, the dynamics of its internal organisation and structure, the ideological foundations that shape its strategic objectives, and the multidimensional aspects of its activities. The analysis encompasses a detailed overview of Hezbollah’s military operations, political participation, social and humanitarian initiatives, funding mechanisms, and the evolving global perceptions surrounding the organisation. Special attention is given to Hezbollah’s role in Middle Eastern conflicts, such as the 2006 Second Lebanon War and the Syrian civil war, along with its international operations. The research methodology is based on analysing secondary sources, including relevant academic literature, reports from international organisations, media archives, and available primary documents issued by Hezbollah. A comparative and historical approach has been applied to contextualise Hezbollah’s development within the broader political and social landscape of Lebanon, particularly in light of the civil war, the 1982 Israeli invasion, and the influence of the 1979 Iranian Revolution. This multifaceted analysis contributes to a deeper understanding of the Hezbollah phenomenon and its regional and international security implications. It offers a foundation for further inquiry into the Middle East’s complex relationships between state and non-state actors.
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COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE WAHHABI MOVEMENT IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND THE WESTERN BALKANS
This paper presents a comparative analysis of the Wahhabi movement in the Middle East and the Western Balkans, focusing on the differences in institutional foundations, operational methods, and social consequences. In the Middle East, Wahhabism is an integral part of the political–religious order of Saudi Arabia, enjoying full institutional support from the state, including formal control mechanisms such as the religious police. In contrast, in the Western Balkans, Wahhabism represents an imported ideology without institutional backing, yet with significant influence from foreign actors and transnational networks. Its presence has caused ideological and organisational divisions within local Islamic communities, challenging traditional religious practices rooted in Ottoman heritage and Sufi traditions. Special attention is given to the security implications, including the potential for radicalisation and community destabilisation. The analysis demonstrates that, despite differences in the degree of institutional support and operational methods, Wahhabism in both regions can significantly influence religious dynamics, social cohesion, and security trends.
THE IMPORTANCE OF RESERVE OFFICER CADRES FOR THE NATIONAL SECURITY SYSTEM OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
One of the most important factors in achieving a country's national and defense interests is its organized armed forces, which are ready at any moment to protect its independence and sovereignty. According to the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Serbia, the Serbian Armed Forces represent the most important and influential formation on which the national security system is based, to ensure security for all its citizens. Today's armed conflicts demonstrate that, despite the need for a professional army, which is the primary carrier of combat operations, the key role on the battlefield is still played by the number of military personnel, with their inherent training and motivation. The Republic of Serbia, as a militarily neutral country with the concept of total defense, and with a vital interest in preserving its territorial integrity, is obliged to develop and improve its own army due to the risks in the security environment, in order to preserve the state and national existence. In addition to active members, the Serbian Armed Forces also consist of its reserve forces, which together represent a well-organized whole without which the concept of total defense could not function. History teaches us that the officer cadre is the spearhead of every army, and that its training and motivation are key to success. Additionally, the reserve officer cadre is also of great importance, especially in the event of war, when both are equally important. The subject of this paper is the importance of the reserve officer cadre in the defense system and its social role in peace, promoting the highest military values. The concept of training reserve officer cadres in Serbia has a long and rich history that remains alive today, but it needs to be updated in accordance with the current security challenges.
THE BATTLE OF KOŠARE 25 YEARS LATER: MEDIA AND POLITICAL NARRATIVES
The Battle of Košare was fought in the border area between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Albania. It began on April 9, 1999, and lasted 67 days. Although many young lives were lost in this battle, it was precisely this battle that prevented the deeper penetration of the terrorist KLA, supported by the regular Albanian army and NATO, into Kosovo and Metohija. However, as is often the case, military events are one thing, the political implications are another, and the media and political narratives surrounding the events themselves are yet another. “The Heavenly Guard of Free Serbia” or “sacrificed youth”, a feat that is remembered or a battle that is not mentioned so as not to offend foreign “partners”? The aim of this paper is precisely to investigate how the media and political elites in Serbia see the Battle of Košare 25 years later. In this sense, we will analyze the content of television news programs and other special programs (if any), online media reports, as well as media statements and social media pages of political parties and actors in Serbia during the period when the 25th anniversary of the Battle of Košare was commemorated. With this analysis, we will try to determine whether and within which narratives the media and political elites commemorated this anniversary and spoke (or did not speak) about the battle itself and its implications, and whether there are differences between different media and different political actors in this sense, and what we can conclude from these differences.
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DANGEROUS GOODS AS A POSSIBLE TOOL OF COMMITTING THE CRIMINAL OFFENCE OF TERRORISM
In times of pronounced globalization processes and no less strong multipolar geopolitical tendencies, the structure of global security is undergoing a serious endurance test, which is why the authors direct their research attention towards the growing potential of manifestation forms of terrorist activities. The phenomenon of dangerous goods is a subject of particular interest to the authors, who first define it conceptually in relation to existing theoretical sources and then examine its normative aspects. After establishing a theoretical and normative foundation, the authors establish a connection between the basic phenomenon of their research and the target problem of terrorism within the framework of criminal law. The authors present the essence of this connection through the possible role of dangerous goods as a tool of committing the criminal act of terrorism, thereby indicating the goal of their research, i.e., the criminal law categorization of the phenomenon of dangerous goods. The methodological concept adopted by the authors comprises a descriptive, historical, normative, analytical, and teleological approach. The authors analyze their research subject through four parts in the paper. After defining the concept and types of dangerous goods, their effective phenomenological positioning in the normative sphere of the criminal act of terrorism follows. The formal-legal segment of the paper gives way to the factual challenges of transporting dangerous goods in road traffic, which is a precursor to the final consideration of possible modi operandi of terrorist attacks using dangerous goods as a crime tool. It is precisely this phenomenological complexity and semantic multi-layering of the concept of dangerous goods, along with its normative and factual imprint on the construction of global security in our time, that form the backbone of the idea presented by the authors in this paper.
THE IMPORTANCE OF NEW TECHNOLOGIES IN THE MILITARY EDUCATION OF OFFICERS
The integration of technology into military education, as well as education in general, represents a reality, a need, and a necessity for efficient functioning and survival in the information society. The subject of this paper is an analysis of the importance and application of new technologies (artificial intelligence, virtual reality, augmented reality, etc.) in military education. This paper aims to highlight, first and foremost, the needs and possibilities of applying new technologies, as well as the positive effects of their implementation on officers, future leaders (including commanders, chiefs, etc.). By analyzing the content, specifically relevant scientific sources and practical examples, it becomes clear which new technologies are the most significant in military education. The application of new technologies undoubtedly results in greater efficiency in mastering the planned teaching content. It makes teaching and training safer, more interactive and more interesting, and as a result, officers are better equipped and prepared to confront modern challenges, risks and threats to security. New technologies already play a significant role and have numerous applications in military education. In particular, underdeveloped segments require implementation, investment, or adaptation processes to keep pace with the demands of the security environment. The role of new technologies will continue to be increasingly represented in the future, characterized by the use of innovative tools.
CONFRONTING IDENTITIES IN THE BALKANS AS A SECURITY CHALLENGE
Identity, whether national/ethnic, religious/confessional, or cultural, is one of the key determinants by which an individual or community defines who they are, what they are part of, and/or what they believe in. However, although identity determination plays a significant role in building community and fostering belonging, it can also become a source of instability, which is especially pronounced in multi-ethnic and multi-confessional societies. Tensions escalate when different identities are pitted against each other in a confrontational relationship and exploited for political manipulation. History is replete with examples in which differences in identity have triggered wars, mass suffering, and social divisions. If identity is presented as untouchable and monolithic, or when it is perceived as exclusive and unchangeable, it manifests itself as a primary factor of constant instability. The example of the dissolutive processes in the former Yugoslavia, from the beginning of the 90s, in the name of identity differences, is the most blatant one. The consequences of this antagonism persist today, in the third decade since the end of the complex conflicts in this region. The rhetoric of the 90s continues to contribute to radicalization, the strengthening of populism, and efforts to impose the identity policies of these countries as a top-tier political issue. Starting from the basic assumptions of identity as a confronting category, the paper analyzes the survival of conflict rhetoric in the former Yugoslavia, which is still based on “irreconcilable identity differences”, that is, what impact does the “truth” established in this way have on the political and security stability of the region.
ENERGY RELATIONS BETWEEN CHINA AND AZERBAIJAN: BETWEEN PRAGMATIC COOPERATION AND STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP
This paper analyses the contemporary relations between the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Azerbaijan, focusing on the energy dimension of their cooperation and the impact of these relations on regional and broader energy security. In the context of China’s growing involvement in the South Caucasus and Azerbaijan’s strategic positioning as an essential transit and export energy hub, the paper seeks to address the key question of whether the relationship between Baku and Beijing represents a sustainable partnership based on complementary strategic interests or a limited, pragmatic cooperation driven by current economic and geopolitical circumstances. Special attention is given to the analysis of energy projects in which both states are directly or indirectly involved such as oil and gas pipelines as well as infrastructure initiatives like the Baku–Tbilisi–Kars railway, which connects China’s Belt and Road Initiative with Europe through Azerbaijani territory. Methodologically, the paper relies on a qualitative analysis of official bilateral documents, relevant scholarly and analytical literature, official government and institutional statements, reports from international energy organisations, and key infrastructural and energy project case studies. The theoretical framework is based on energy security, geoeconomics, and realpolitik, focusing on modelling energy relations as instruments of foreign policy influence. The paper also considers global geopolitical shifts, including the consequences of the conflict in Ukraine, changes in European energy strategy, and China’s position within the emerging multipolar order. The research contribution of this paper lies in its systematic assessment of the level of interdependence between China and Azerbaijan in the energy sector, as well as in evaluating the potential long-term stability of this relationship from the perspectives of regional security, economics, and politics.
SOCIAL, DEMOCRATIC AND COLORED REVOLUTIONS
This text first outlines the sociological and philosophical meanings of the term “revolution,” and then confronts the meaning of this term with the phenomena of “democratic” and “color” revolutions. Unlike the social revolution, neither democratic nor color revolutions imply a radical change in the production of life, and their goals are heterogeneous, because the intentions of the participants and supporters, who are not directly involved in the course of these revolutions, differ. On these grounds, democratic revolutions are analyzed in the countries of the Visegrad Group, particularly in Poland, as well as in the Balkans, with special attention paid to the comparison of the democratic revolutions in Ukraine and Serbia. In this paper, with the help of the previously defined research directions, the following hypotheses are constructed and defended: (1) Color revolutions manifest first in the form of democratic revolutions – in which the political system institutions are called into question; (2) The color revolutions of recent decades primarily had geopolitical goals, as opposed to the preceding period (the end of the previous and the beginning of this century), when they had a transitional peak; (3) Color revolutions cannot be identified with civil disobedience, since there is no solid moral principle at their core, but rather a diffuse justification
THE BATTLE OF CAJAMARCA: THE CIVILIZATIONAL COST OF MILITARY (MIS)EDUCATION
This paper analyses the Battle of Cajamarca as a paradigmatic example of the civilizational cost of military miseducation. Exploring the context, course, and consequences of the battle between the Spanish conquistadors led by Pizarro and the Inca, commanded by the divine ruler Atahualpa, the author argues that the victory of the drastically outnumbered Spanish force over the Inca army was not merely the result of technological and tactical superiority, but primarily a consequence of the Spanish commanders’ superior educational tradition, including military education in the broader sense. Through the analysis of advantages in weaponry, tactics, and the foundations for strategic decision-making on both sides, the author demonstrates that the Spanish conquistadors derived their advantage from a wide array of knowledge – military engineering, tactics, the social sciences, and a deep understanding of enemy culture – while the Inca, deprived of literacy and an institutionalized educational system, relied on superstition and improvisation. The author concludes that this battle must not remain a mere historical curiosity but should serve as a warning about the necessity of systematic, high-level intellectual military education in modern armed forces to prevent potential strategic catastrophes in future conflicts – catastrophes that could mark the end of a culture or even an entire civilization.
CONSUMER ETHNOCENTRISM AND LIFESTYLES OF MEMBERS OF THE DEFENSE SYSTEM
Consumer ethnocentrism is a form of economic patriotism and awareness of the significance of buying local products to develop the domestic economy. Since consumer habits are closely linked with consumers’ lifestyles, and that lifestyles, besides socio-demographic aspects, represent an important determinant of consumer market behaviour, this paper aims to determine whether there are differences in consumer ethnocentrism and lifestyles of members of the defence system compared to the civilian population. The research included 180 respondents in total, members of the Ministry of Defense and the Serbian Armed Forces, and civilians employed in other fields of the economy. Independent variables defined in the research were gender, education, generational affiliation, and belonging to the defense system, while dependent variables were the scores on the consumer ethnocentrism and lifestyle preferences subscales. The data was processed with the help of descriptive statistics, t-tests for independent samples, and linear regressions. The results show differences in preferences of specific lifestyles between members of the defense sector and civilians, but not in consumer ethnocentrism. There are also statistically significant differences regarding consumer ethnocentrism and lifestyle preferences regarding socio-demographic variables. Moreover, even the preferences of specific lifestyles, as a form of consumer behavior, have been shown as statistically significant predictors of consumer ethnocentrism. Therefore, it is only justified to dedicate more attention to future research to examine the lifestyles and consumer habits of specific groups of inhabitants to raise their awareness of the importance of purchasing domestic products to strengthen the domestic economy.
SOCIOECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF CADETS OF THE MILITARY ACADEMY
The subject of this paper is the study of the socioeconomic characteristics of cadets at the Military Academy, attempting to define these characteristics at the individual, family, and regional levels. The aim was to gain insight into cadets' fundamental socioeconomic characteristics, descriptions, and connections to the broader socioeconomic context. Both primary and secondary data were collected for this analysis. Correlation, factor analysis, and clustering were employed. The findings indicate that regional affiliation is a crucial characteristic that can classify respondents into two groups: those from developed regions in northern Serbia and those from less developed southern regions. Additionally, the participation of female cadets is comparable to levels seen in developed European countries. Almost 70 percent of cadets come from urban and semi-urban areas, while two-fifths originate from a single region, specifically Sumadija and Western Serbia. More than half of the cadets come from working-class backgrounds, and slightly more than one-fifth have a military background. Furthermore, nearly three-quarters of cadets have completed their secondary education at a Military Grammar School or a civilian gymnasium, and the academic success achieved by over half of the cadets can be characterized as very good.
EDUCATIONAL PROCESS IN THE MILITARY ACADEMY AS A FACTOR IN FORMING THE VALUE SYSTEM OF FUTURE OFFICERS
The subject of this paper is the role of the educational process in the Military Academy as one of the factors in the formation of the value system of future officers from the standpoint of military andragogy and military psychology. This paper aims to determine the value system of the cadets – future officers through the times of the development of the Military Academy as a higher education institution (175 years of the Military Academy) by following the educational processes, methods, and demands, but also the demands of the military organization and profession. In the empirical segment of this paper, a psychological instrument was used – a modified scale for measuring value, which was applied in repeated research. The results of the presented research show that the value systems of cadets throughout time have never been and are not currently isolated from other factors of influence on their formation, such as the social context and primary families in which the cadets live and originate, as well as the peer groups to which they belong, but that the educational process indeed contributes to its construction in the function of the military profession.
QUALITATIVE INSIGHT INTO FACTORS OF ENROLLMENT IN MILITARY HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
This paper explores the factors that influenced the decisions of cadets at the Military Academy (MA) and the Faculty of Medicine at the Medical Military Academy (MF MMA) to enroll in military higher education institutions (HEIs) in the Republic of Serbia. The research aimed to identify, through qualitative analysis of focus group responses, the reasons and motives behind cadets’ enrollment decisions and their reflections on those decisions. The theoretical framework of this paper is based on empirical research findings and theoretical considerations regarding the factors and models of HEI selection applicable to both civilian and military contexts. The research was conducted on a sample of 32 cadets, and the data were sorted and analyzed through ten thematic categories. The results reveal that the decision of cadets to enroll in military HEIs in the Republic of Serbia was shaped by a complex mix of social, institutional, and economic factors, many of which have already been identified in relevant scientific literature. The insights gained from this study can provide a foundation for developing an instrument for future quantitative research and refining higher education institutions’ communication strategies.
THEORETICAL DETERMINATION OF TACTICS AS A MILITARY SCIENCE
The development of civilization led to the emergence and growth of countries and armies, whose primary purpose was the country's defense. This resulted in the development of knowledge related to the methods of conducting armed combat. This knowledge has been systematized over time, and thus, knowledge related to this area, called the art of war, has been created. Since the 19th century, military sciences (tactics, operations, and strategy) have increasingly been considered, replacing the phrase art of war. Since the 19th century, there has been increasing talk of military sciences (tactics, operations, and strategy), which replace the phrase art of war. However, both Eastern and Western directions recognize tactics as a basic military science. However, even today, the theoretical definition of tactics has not been fully completed. Therefore, this paper aims to describe the theoretical determination of tactics as a military science. The first chapter of the paper provides a notional determination of tactics as a military science. The second chapter describes the fundamental constituents of tactics. In the third chapter, a classification of tactics was carried out according to several criteria. The understanding of key terms and the description of the paper's results were carried out using the following methods: content analysis, definition and classification, historical-comparative methods, analytical-synthetic methods, and deductive methods. The notional determination, description of the constituents, and classification of tactics as a military science represent the result of the paper.
UNMANNED AUTONOMOUS VEHICLES: CHALLENGES IN DEVELOPMENT AND MILITARY APPLICATIONS AND THE NEED FOR NEW COMPETENCIES OF MILITARY PERSONNEL
The development of unmanned autonomous vehicles represents one of the most dynamic directions of contemporary technological evolution, with increasingly widespread applications in the civilian and primarily the military domain. Although unmanned and autonomous vehicles are often used interchangeably, this paper highlights their essential distinction and the importance of integrated decision-making capabilities for achieving full autonomy. Modern trends in the production of sensors, communication, and power components have enabled the development of complex systems for environmental perception, path planning, and motion control, significantly influencing the transformation of concepts in military operations. The paper analyzes the historical development of unmanned autonomous vehicles, the levels of their autonomy, and their impact on the execution of modern military operations. Considering the pace of technological advancement and achievements, an even more intensive use of autonomous systems can be expected in future armed conflicts, which imposes the need to define the required knowledge and competencies for military personnel involved in their development and operational use. These competencies include mechatronics, automatic control, guidance, artificial intelligence, deployment tactics, logistical support, and others. The paper recognizes the need to enhance military education by integrating technological innovations and developing new academic programs to train personnel capable of creating, maintaining, and efficiently operating unmanned autonomous systems in a dynamic security environment.
ARMY AND THE MILITARY PROFESSION IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY: CONTRIBUTION TO DEFINING AN ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK
The social transformations defining contemporary, postmodern, or post-Cold War society have inevitably shaped the military – its organization, functions, role, and societal position. Global shifts from a bipolar to a unipolar and now multipolar geopolitical order demand the continuous evolution of national armed forces. This paper provides an overview of the broader context in which the modern military and military profession operate. It seeks to establish an analytical framework for examining their role and position as a research subject in contemporary society. The objective of this paper is to contribute not only in a hermeneutic (cognitive) sense, but also in a methodological sense by developing an analytical framework based on six key factors: (1) the political system and legislative framework, (2) national culture and social values, (3) historical experience, (4) the economy and the level of technical and technological development (5) the quality of military education and training, and (6) international military cooperation. Each factor is briefly explained, emphasizing its significance and specific characteristics. Through the appropriate selection and application of scientific methods, the proposed analytical framework aims to enable future research on the role and position of the military and the military profession in contemporary society to achieve the most comprehensive scientific understanding of the research subject.
SERBIA AND EXPANDED DETERRENCE: EXPERIENCES AND ROADMAPS
The strategic concept of extended deterrence emerged in the post-Cold War period by expanding the content of the Cold War concept of nuclear deterrence of the allies of the great powers. Therefore, modern extended deterrence implies the use of all instruments of national power to deter rivals from taking malicious steps against allies or partners. This paper deals with the consideration of the historical experience of the Serbs in the application of this concept, as well as with the analysis of the foreign policy means used and the outcomes of their application. The basic hypothesis of the paper is that during the existence of an independent state, the Serbs applied extended deterrence with support from the diaspora and that this concept should be applied in the future but with an emphasis on so-called soft deterrence. It will examine certain events and processes during the Crimean War (Serbia as a vassal principality), the Chetnik movement and method of warfare (Kingdom of Serbia), and the strategic actions of the Serbs during the wars for the Yugoslav succession, in which patterns of Serbian extended deterrence are characteristic.
THE NEXUS BETWEEN HYBRID WARFARE AND CONTEMPORARY TERRORISM
The paper's topic is to examine the depth of the connection between terrorism and hybrid warfare. Regardless of the current disagreements among theorists as to whether 'hybrid war' is a modern form of warfare or an 'old phenomenon in a new guise,' the fact is that this phenomenon involves the application of various elements and components of hard and soft power, through various non-violent and violent content, which certainly includes terrorism, to destabilize the legal order, cultural and value foundations of the attacked state and society. Considering that previous research has considered terrorism only at the level of actors in hybrid warfare and taking into account the complexity of the effects that terrorist activity has on the state and society to which it is applied, there is a need for a deeper examination of the place and role of this form of political violence in hybrid warfare. In this regard, the research question of this article relates to the connection between these two phenomena, not only considering the actors but also the dimensions and phases of the conduct of hybrid warfare. Hybrid warfare seeks out a state's weaknesses in the political, military, economic, social, infrastructure, information, and other domains and conducts activities within these dimensions using appropriate actors and tools. Terrorism, due to its complex nature and wide-ranging effects, is a suitable activity carried out by the state. Non-state actors of hybrid warfare, applying it with an adequate degree of escalation in the phases of preparation, destabilization, and coercion as the final phase, attacking critical infrastructure and other facilities with which they threaten the national economy, carrying out operations as proxy forces, exploiting socio-cultural divisions in societies, inserting themselves into migrant flows, placing and spreading specific messages and proclamations in the media, the effects of which spill over into various spheres of the attacked state. Through which forms of manifestation and through which dimensions of conducting hybrid warfare terrorism will be applied will depend on a multitude of different circumstances. It is important to emphasize that this phenomenon cannot be considered hybrid warfare without synchronization with other hybrid content, primarily psychological propaganda, information actions, and economic and political pressures. Only in synchronization with other hybrid content does terrorism achieve its goal, which is reflected in the weakening of defense capacities, the financial exhaustion of the country, and the creation of a social crisis in society, i.e., as part of preparatory operations for upcoming armed operations of a conventional nature. Ultimately, it can be concluded that there is a deeper connection between these two phenomena, not only through the well-known position that terrorist organizations can be one of the actors of hybrid warfare and that there is a possibility of common goals with other actors, but that a more profound connection is achieved through numerous dimensions and phases of conducting hybrid warfare.
THE ROLE OF THE SECURITY SERVICES IN PREVENTING POLITICAL COUPS
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Name="List Table 3 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/> </w:LatentStyles> </xml><![endif]--><!-- [if gte mso 10]> <![endif]--> States achieve their foreign policy goals and intentions in different ways, including methods contrary to the norms of international law. Namely, suppose one wants to destabilize a country's economic, political, security and social-social system to implement one's own will, intentions, and interests. In that case, subversive activity is one of the most effective mechanisms. Such activities often cause and maintain various crises, including coups, which aim to impose one's own will on other countries and direct their socio-political flows according to national interests. Countries that carry out coups and other secret actions implement them through their intelligence institutions, which is why the target countries must have strong security and counterintelligence organizations which will prevent such activities. States that seek to maintain their sovereign domestic and foreign policies often become the target of coups and other subversive activities. Therefore, their security apparatus must continuously detect and stop such activities with preventive and repressive methods. Accordingly, the security services have always been a decisive support factor in realising internal political goals and protecting the holders and institutions of state power. Bearing that in mind, the subject of this paper is the research and analysis of the role of the security service as an important segment of the state's security-intelligence system in opposing subversive activity towards the home state with an emphasis on preventing a political coup. The paper examines the ways and means of the security services that oppose political coups.
MILITARY INTERVENTIONS IN THE UNIPOLARITY: LESONS FOR SECURITY DYNAMICS OF US-CHINA RELATIONS AMID TRUMP’S SECOND TERM
Humanitarian interventionism, a hallmark of the unipolar era following the Cold War, has been widely debated as a mechanism for addressing alleged human rights violations and safeguarding global security. Rooted in principles such as the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), these interventions have often intersected with the strategic interests of dominant powers, particularly the United States. This paper examines the evolving dynamics of humanitarian intervention within the shifting geopolitical landscape, focusing on the implications for US-China relations during President Donald Trump’s second term in office. Building on historical precedents and theoretical frameworks, the study analyzes how the US might invoke humanitarian intervention as a dual-purpose tool – asserting moral leadership while countering China’s growing influence in regions of strategic interest. It further explores the challenges of applying lessons from interventions in the unipolar era to a world increasingly defined by multipolarity and strategic rivalry. By contextualizing Trump’s assertive foreign policy stance and examining potential justifications for interventionism, the paper offers critical insights into how humanitarian motives might align with or mask broader geopolitical objectives. Consequently, this analysis sheds light on the security implications for US-China relations, contributing to the wider discourse on the intersection of ethics, power, and global governance.